COVID-19 Global Immigration Detention Platform

This platform reports how countries are responding to the COVID-19 pandemic in their migration control policies, with a particular focus on detention and deportation, in addition to providing comparative information on measures implemented in prisons and other places of confinement. The platform is regularly updated to reflect evolving circumstances on the ground.

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21 September 2021


Barbed Wire Around the New Refugee Holding Camp in Samos, (Petra Molnar Twitter,
Barbed Wire Around the New Refugee Holding Camp in Samos, (Petra Molnar Twitter, "18 September 2021," Twitter,
On 18 September 2021, Greece opened the first of five new facilities to confine asylum seekers and migrants on the Island of Samos, close to the border with Turkey. Similar facilities are planned on the islands of Leros, Lesbos, Kos, and Chios. Fully funded by the Asylum, Migration and Integration Fund of the European Union, the "Closed Controlled Access Center" on Samos cost 43 million Euros with a total budget of 276 million Euros for all five facilities.

Nearly 500 asylum seekers (out of the 7,500 who originally lived in an older camp, which itself was only intended to house 680 asylum seekers), were moved to the facility on 20 September. The Greek Migration Minister hailed the facility as a "modern and safe new closed, controlled access center ... that will give back the lost dignity to people seeking international protection, but also the necessary conditions of safeguarding and restraint for illegal migrants who are to be controlled." NGOs and migrant rights activists, however, have expressed serious concerns about the new center which they claim is essentially a prison.

It is indisputable that the new state-of-the-art facilities provide asylum seekers with improved, safer and cleaner living conditions than they previously had in the old camp on Samos, including bunk-bed sleeping quarters, air-conditioned restaurants, kitchens, basketball courts, childrens' playgrounds and a football pitch. But all this is located in a remote valley 10km from the city of Vathi where people had lived for years, behind layers of military-grade barbed wire fencing, police and CCTV surveillance and accessed through a double-layer security system of turnstiles, magnetic gates and x-ray scanners where asylum seekers' electronic badges and fingerprints are checked each time they enter and leave. CCTV cameras and loudspeakers are located throughout the facility, indicating a regime of constant surveillance. According to reports, newly arrived asylum seekers will have to spend the first 25 days in the center while their documentation is checked, after which they are allowed to leave between 8am and 8pm on specially provided buses. Asylum seekers whose cases have been rejected and are awaiting deportation will be held in a closed pre-removal area.

UNHCR, migrants rights groups, and humanitarian service providers have all expressed reservations about the new facility. Forty-five NGOs, including Amnesty International, wrote to the EU and the Greek Government urging them to abandon plans to restrict the freedom of movement of people living in the new center. The medical aid charity, Médecins Sans Frontières, has expressed serious concerns about the impact of closed detention on the mental health of already extremely stressed asylum seekers. They reported that 64 percent of their patients on Samos Island had expressed suicidal thoughts and 14 percent were at actual risk of suicide. "As psychologists working with the people who are at the frontline of Europe’s tightening migration policies, we witness on a daily basis the deterioration of these people’s mental and physical well-being. The opening of the new prison camp is changing the collective identity of the refugees, their self-esteem and image: their dignity. Europe is breaking them" said MSF in a statement on 17 September. The psychological strain on asylum seekers has been aggravated by the fact that migrants were held in COVID-19 quarantine long after the lockdown for the rest of the country was lifted, with severe impacts on their mental health.

The head of UNHCR in Greece also expressed concerns about the new center on Samos. "The word 'closed' is used often and it is worrying," she said. "The position of UNHCR is that people seeking asylum need protection, they are not criminals and they do not represent a risk to the community, they are people in need of assistance. For us, the camps must be open, the government has assured us that they will be."

Commentators note that the new facility on Samos reflects a hardening of attitudes towards refugees and asylum seekers across Greece and the EU as well as a growing determination that Greece should not become the “gateway to Europe” for a new wave of refugees as it did during the 2015 Syrian refugee crisis. Greece has hailed the sharp fall in asylum seekers coming to the country as a major achievement, but critics note that this is largely due to its policy of turning back--in contravention of its international legal obligations--everyone who comes through Turkey, claiming that that country is a "safe third country” despite widespread reports of abuses committed by Turkish security forces.

Greece is employing a range of additional tactics to deter migrants and asylum seekers, including the construction of a 40km steel wall along Greece's border with Turkey and--most recently--the reported firing of long-range acoustic devices, whose deafening noise is intended to keep back migrants along the border. The Greek Ministry of Migration and Asylum reported that the number of migrants in the country had fallen by 49 percent from August 2020 to August 2021 (from a total number of 82,1189 in August 2020 to 42, 181 in August 2021). On the Aegean islands the drop in the number of arrivals was even more marked from 27,576 people in August 2020 to 5,264 in August 2021, a decrease of 81 percent. Samos itself witnessed a drop of 88 percent in the number of migrants between August 2020 and August 2021.

The new "closed controlled access center" on Samos is intended to be a model for managing asylum and migration across Greece and to remove the spectre of migrants living in squalid camps on Greek islands. The burning question though is why there has to be a trade-off between improved living conditions and people's liberty and freedom of movement. Can people not be provided with more dignified and acceptable living conditions without 24-hour surveillance and restrictions on their freedom of movement? There is a danger in Greece that what is essentially increased detention is being dressed up as "improved accommodation" and people are facing unnecessary, unreasonable, and disproportionate restrictions on their liberty and personal freedoms.

17 September 2021


Asylum Seekers Protest Inside the Mantra Hotel in Preston, Melbourne, Australia on 16 May 2020 (Michael Dodge/AAP/PA Images,
Asylum Seekers Protest Inside the Mantra Hotel in Preston, Melbourne, Australia on 16 May 2020 (Michael Dodge/AAP/PA Images, "COVID-19 Reveals the Inherent Vindictiveness of Migration Detention," Open Democracy, 26 May 2020,
Previously one of the countries in the world least affected by COVID-19, Australia has been struggling to contain outbreaks of the highly infectious Delta variant across the country over recent months. The States of New South Wales, Victoria and Canberra have all experienced extended periods of lockdown over the past weeks. Immigration detention centres have not been spared, raising serious concerns once again about the conditions for the 1,400 people held in mandatory and sometimes indefinite immigration detention in Australia, including in "alternative places of detention," such as hotels and hostels.

Concerns at detention centres were heightened when it was confirmed that at least one guard at a center in Melbourne - Australia's second largest city - had tested positive for COVID-19 on 5 September. The guard is a contracted service provider at Melbourne Immigration Transit Accommodation (MITA) Broadmeadows Residential Precinct (BRP). Detainees in the facility expressed fears about their health and safety after confirming that five to six people were expected to share a room in bunk beds. A detainee told Al Jazeera: “They don’t test us for COVID unless we show symptoms. This means they would not actually know if it is spreading until a lot of people are sick. It could travel fast. Guards are free to come and go.”

In a separate incident, seven detainees at the Villawood Immigration Detention Centre in Sydney--one of Australia's largest detention facilities, which holds 500 people--were reported to be in isolation after a guard at the centre tested positive for COVID-19 on 12 September.

The Australian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) has described COVID-19 as a "serious threat" for the 1,492 people held in immigration detention in Australia, raising concerns about a high density of people being held in enclosed, confined spaces where a significant proportion of them have pre-existing health conditions which can worsen the outcomes of contracting COVID-19. In a report in June 2021, the AHRC said the government should "follow expert health advice by placing people who present a low security risk in community-based alternatives to closed detention" as other countries have done with success. The AHRC recommended reducing the numbers being held in immigration detention facilities, improving physical distancing, especially in overcrowded bedrooms, paying special attention to detainees with underlying health conditions, and ensuring that any resort to quarantine must be "reasonable, necessary and proportionate to addressing COVID-19 risks." People should not be held in "harsh, prison-like" conditions during their quarantine and should have access to necessary support. Vaccines should be readily available for all immigration detainees, without discrimination.

Observers in Australia have been warning for months about the high risks of COVID-19 outbreaks for refugees and asylum seekers being held in detention. They say that mitigation measures in detention centers have been inadequate throughout the pandemic and that the slow implementation of the country’s vaccination campaign has left detainees extremely vulnerable, especially in centres’ unsafe, overcrowded conditions. They urge that asylum seekers should be released immediately as they have not committed a crime and their continued detention in the midst of a pandemic can not be justified. Marie Hapke from the Australian Refugee Action Network said: “Since the beginning of the pandemic the risks of closed detention have been well documented, and experts have called for the release of all those who do not need to be held in detention. There is no justification for continuing to hold refugees in detention – now is the time to release these people into the community. It is only a matter of time before there is a major outbreak in immigration detention centres.”

Observers have noted that while the Australian government has judiciously followed the advice of epidemiologists and health care professionals in its overall management of the COVID-19 pandemic, it has consistently refused to include refugees, asylum seekers and other non-citizens in its national public health response. The government, it is argued, has continued to view this population from a perspective of national security, criminality and border control and the pandemic has reinforced Australia's regime of mandatory immigration detention. Indeed, unlike other countries in the world where the number of people being held in immigration detention dropped in the months after onset of the pandemic, in Australia the numbers increased by 12 percent in the first six months of the pandemic putting enormous strain on facilities that were already operating close to capacity.

The Australian Border Force has responded to these concerns by confirming that all immigration detainees have full access to medical professionals and the same range of health care services as Australian citizens. “The priority for the Australian Border Force is the health and safety of detainees and staff in immigration detention facilities,” a spokesperson from Australian Border Force said. “To date, no detainee has tested positive to COVID-19.“

15 September 2021


“A woman measuring the body temperature of a man after having entered through the gate into al-Qanater prison on 27 December, 2020 [KHALED DESOUKI/AFP via Getty Images]” Middle East Monitor, “Egypt denies allegations of covid outbreak in prisons,”  6 January  2021,
“A woman measuring the body temperature of a man after having entered through the gate into al-Qanater prison on 27 December, 2020 [KHALED DESOUKI/AFP via Getty Images]” Middle East Monitor, “Egypt denies allegations of covid outbreak in prisons,” 6 January 2021,
On 10 September, reports from human rights groups and independent journalists began circulating about Egypt’s efforts to remove two asylum seekers who had been detained for several years but who had purportedly been cleared for deporation back to Eritrea--in violation of Egypt’s international treaty obligations--where they would likely face torture and possibly execution. According to sources in Egypt, as of 15 September the two asylum seekers, Alem Tesfay Abraham and Kibrom Adhanom, had yet to be deported and remained in detention in Egypt’s Qanater Prison. One source told the Global Detention Project that various foreign missions, UN agencies, and others have engaged Egypt about the situation. The source said that the Egyptian government may have “realized that deportation would result in serious backlash,” resulting in a quasi “stalemate” in the situation.

According to a report from the group Human Rights Concern Eritrea, on 9 September the two asylum seekers “were taken to an immigration office, beaten, and forced to sign documents in Arabic, a language which neither read or understand. … It appears, however, that they may have been forced to declare in writing that they were not subjected to ill-treatment throughout their time in detention. .... It is now clear that the Egyptian authorities have managed to obtain travel documents from the Eritrean Embassy in Cairo. They have also completed COVID-19 Tests for the two detainees, and plan to forcibly return them to Eritrea over the weekend of 11th-12th September, where they face grave risk of imprisonment, torture, abuse and indefinite period of slavery, and a substantial risk of execution. This proposed refoulement of refugees to the country they have fled from in fear is in flagrant breach of Egypt’s legal obligations under several UN treaties.”

The plight of detained migrants and asylum seekers in Egypt has long drawn criticism because of the country’s practice of detaining these people in prisons and police stations, often in terrible conditions and alongside people charged with violent crimes. There have also been reports of important outbreaks of COVID-19 in these detention facilities and several deaths, including at Qanater Prison where Alem Tesfay Abraham and Kibrom Adhanom are reportedly detained. Egypt, however, has repeatedly refused to acknowledge the existence of outbreaks.

Among the groups raising awareness of the plight of the two Eritrean asylum seekers is Amnesty International, which says that Eritrean asylum seekers who are forcibly returned to their country risk arbitrary arrest, indefinite detention, torture, and execution. The organisation has called on Egypt to release Alem Tesfay Abraham and Kibrom Adhanom and provide them access to asylum procedures.

According to UNHCR, in March 2020, there were 258,433 registered refugees and asylum seekers in Egypt. Syrian refugees comprise around half of the refugee and asylum seeker population (around 130,000). The COVID-19 pandemic had a heavy impact upon refugees and asylum-seekers in the country as many were living in overcrowded accommodations with inadequate water, sanitation and hygiene. Many have lost their jobs and sources of income. UNHCR reported that before the COVID-19 outbreak, seven out of ten refugees in the country were unable to meet their basic needs and that since the outbreak, many have found it even harder to purchase food or pay rent. UNHCR has been providing assistance to refugees and asylum seekers in the country including through the disbursement of cash for hygiene which has been extended to 51,505 refugees and asylum seekers at heightened risk since April 2020. As of 14 September 2021, Egypt had recorded 293,448 COVID-19 cases and 16,885 related deaths.

While Egypt detains migrants, asylum seekers and refugees for migration-related reasons, the country does not have dedicated immigration detention centres. Instead, prisons and police stations are used to hold foreigners awaiting deportation. The GDP has been unable to obtain any reports indicating that authorities have taken measures to assist migrants and asylum seekers in detention. On the other hand, Middle East Monitor reported that COVID-19 cases were detected within the Al-Qanater prison in 2020 and three detainees died from the virus in February 2021 at different police stations.

Egypt has also suspended its application procedures for residence permits for refugees and asylum seekers. Those with expired UNHCR documents were impacted by the suspension of registration activities. In order to alleviate overcrowding and avoid the spread of COVID-19 in prisons, the government pardoned around 460 prisoners in April 2020 (see 7 May 2020 Egypt update on this platform). It is unclear whether detainees held for migration-related matters have also been released.

The Egyptian government began its national vaccination campaign in March 2021 and according to the UNHCR, has offered “refugees and asylum-seekers medical treatment on equal footing as Egyptians and has included them in the national vaccination plan.”

10 September 2021


Polish Border Guards Detain People Attempting to Cross the Border Between Belarus and Poland on 9 August 2021 (Main Command of the Polish Border Patrol, Reuters,
Polish Border Guards Detain People Attempting to Cross the Border Between Belarus and Poland on 9 August 2021 (Main Command of the Polish Border Patrol, Reuters, "Afghans Stranded in Poland Refuse to Return to Belarus," Infomigrants, 23 August 2021,
Poland has experienced important reductions in the number of arriving asylum seekers since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic: in 2020, there were 2,803 asylum applications, compared with 4,096 in 2019. According to the European Council on Refugees and Exiles, as of 1 January 2021, there were 1,319 persons holding valid residence cards for refugees, 1,467 persons holding a residence card granted to subsidiary protection beneficiaries and 1,743 persons under the humanitarian protection scheme.

Despite the decrease in asylum pressures, public discourse in the country remains rife with anti-immigrant rhetoric. Few asylum seekers are granted protection: in 2017, 5,053 people lodged applications, but only 150 were granted refugee status and in 2020, 2,803 applications were lodged and only 161 were granted refugee status.

Following the withdrawal of US and coalition forces from Afghanistan and Taliban takeover, thousands of Afghan nationals have left the country. Poland airlifted some 1,000 Afghan nationals and gave them access to asylum procedures. However, Human Rights Watch reported on 2 September 2021, that Poland had “trapped” 32 Afghans for over three weeks at its border with Belarus, preventing them from entering the country to seek asylum and denying them access to food and medicine. The European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) ordered Poland to allow aid to reach the group of Afghan nationals, but so far, the Government has not done so. According to Balkan Insight, Polish border guards have been unlawfully pushing people back across the border to Belarus using excessive force in some cases. UNHCR has also called upon Poland to allow the group to apply for asylum urging the “government to make an individualised assessment of each case before expelling these people or preventing them from entering the territory.” Poland reported that it had detained 900 migrants who crossed from Belarus this year, 349 of them in the first week of August alone, compared to 122 migrants in the whole of 2020.

According to information provided to the GDP from part of the Polish Commissioner for Human Rights, the country refused to issue a moratorium on new immigration detention orders in the months after the onset of the pandemic (see Poland 7 July 2020 update on this platform). In addition, the National Integration Evaluation Mechanism (NIEM) reported that despite the national lockdown ordered during the COVID-19 crisis, Polish border guards continued the deportation of rejected asylum seekers to Chechnya. Poland also restricted access to asylum procedures during the COVID-19 crisis as the Office for Foreigners suspended direct customer services and certain limitations on the submission of asylum applications at border crossings. Also, according to an international organisation, who asked to remain anonymous, but whose identity was verified by the GDP, some detainees were released when deportations could not be performed due to border closures (see Poland 7 August 2020 update on this platform). Nonetheless, the GDP has been unable to obtain details on COVID-19 related measures taken to safeguard people in immigration custody.

The country has begun a national vaccination campaign against COVID-19 and also passed legislation that guarantees that all foreigners in Poland (including refugees and asylum seekers) the right to be vaccinated free of charge. Nonetheless, this “right” only applies to those persons that can provide evidence of their residence in the country. Yet, asylum seekers who are in reception centres are vaccinated depending on their priority status, according to the national vaccination campaign.

08 September 2021


"Taliban fighters patrol the streets of Kabul." M. Bulman, “UK Returned 13 Afghans in the Past Year and Refused Asylum to 400, New Official Figures Show,” The Independent, 26 August 2021,
The plight of Afghan migrants and asylum seekers in deportation procedures across the globe has received renewed attention since U.S. and other international military forces completed their evacuations from the country in August 2021, effectively ceding control of the country to the Taliban. In recognition of the vulnerabilities these people would face back in Afghanistan, UNHCR issued a “non-return advisory” in mid-August, calling “on States to suspend the forcible return of nationals and former habitual residents of Afghanistan, including those who have had their asylum claims rejected.” (See the GDP’s Afghanistan Situation Report, 8 September 2021,

However, criticism of Afghan deportations had already begun growing in the months before the military evacuation due to concerns about the impact of COVID-19 on the safety and health of Afghans in return procedures across the globe. On 16 December 2020, after a nine-month interruption in deportation flight arrivals due to the COVID-19 pandemic, 11 Afghans arrived in Kabul after being deported from Austria and Bulgaria. Other European countries—including Germany, Sweden, Bulgaria and Hungary—also began deportations at about that time. After Germany, which had suspended deportations to Afghanistan from March 2020 to December 2020, resumed deportation flights in early 2021, the German human rights organisation Pro Asyl said that it was “completely irresponsible to stubbornly continue this flight into the unknown despite a national lockdown.”

In July 2021, the Afghan government called on European states to suspend deportations for at least three months as security forces battled Taliban offensives. Afghanistan’s refugees and repatriation ministry said that “the escalation of violence by the Taliban terrorist group in the country and the spread of the third wave [of COVID-19] have caused a great deal of economic and social unrest, creating concerns and challenges for the people. The government’s decision emphasises that host countries should refrain from forcibly deporting Afghan refugees for the next three months.”

In response, the German government said it would consider Afghanistan’s request but that it planned to hold discussions with European partners first. On the other hand, due to the worsening security situation in the country, Finland suspended deportations in July 2021. Sweden quickly followed and stopped all deportations to Afghanistan in July stating that conditions had deteriorated “after the Taliban movement [took] control of large parts of the country.” At the end of July 2021, thirty NGOs including, Save the Children, ECRE, and several national refugee councils, called on the European Union to suspend deportation flights of Afghan nationals and also asked national asylum authorities to “re-examine all final negative decisions for Afghan asylum seekers still present in European countries in the light of the current situation in Afghanistan and foreseeable risks of future persecution being identified as a result of this new situation.”

Meanwhile, Greece announced shortly after the announcement of the U.S. pull-out from Afghanistan that it was constructing a 40-kilometre wall and surveillance system along its border with Turkey, vowing that it would not be a “gateway to Europe” for Afghan refugees. According to UNHCR, 45 percent of migrants arriving in Greece in June 2021 were from Afghanistan. Since Greece announced in June that Turkey was a “safe third country” to which asylum seekers from Afghanistan, Syria, Pakistan, Somalia, and Bangladesh could be safely returned, the majority of Afghans in Greece have been rejected and are awaiting return back to Turkey.

Data released at the end of August 2021 showed that the UK refused 400 Afghan asylum cases in the previous year and returned 13 Afghan nationals back to Afghanistan (5 of them since the start of 2021). 497 Afghans were placed in immigration detention during this period, 130 of them since April 2021 when the Taliban had already began its advance. Refugee advocates and lawyers in the UK have argued that given the fundamental change in circumstances in Afghanistan, all Afghans in the UK should be granted full refugee protection, including expedited rights to family reunification; that those forcibly returned in the past year should be brought back to the UK; and that those in immigration detention pending deportation should be immediately released.

Back in Afghanistan, prior to the takeover by the Taliban, the COVID-19 pandemic had taken a considerable toll on the population. As of 7 September 2021, the country had recorded 153,626 cases and 7,144 related deaths. The WHO fears that due to the Taliban’s hostility to vaccinations, there could be a rapid and uncontrolled spread of COVID-19 in Afghanistan. In an update, the WHO said: “Disruptions at [the] airport are delaying urgently needed essential health supplies. Crowding at health facilities and IDP camps, due to rising conflict in the country will limit implementation of infection prevention protocols, increasing the risk of COVID-19 transmission and outbreaks of other diseases.” While the country has begun a national vaccination campaign, it had only administered a total of 1,872,268 doses by 14 August out of a total population of 40 million people.

(For a fuller update on the situation of Afghan refugees in countries across the globe, see the GDP’s Afghanistan Profile Page,

30 August 2021


A Group of Migrants on a Boat Being Assisted with Anti-Covid Procedures During a Landing in Roccella Jonica in Calabria on 6 July 2021 (ANSA,
A Group of Migrants on a Boat Being Assisted with Anti-Covid Procedures During a Landing in Roccella Jonica in Calabria on 6 July 2021 (ANSA, "Migration to Italy Fell in 2020 Pandemic Year, Federal Statistics Bureau Reports," Infomigrants, 14 July 2021,
The Italian statistics bureau (Instituto Nazionale di Statistica) reported in July that the COVID-19 pandemic had led to a more than 30 percent decrease of migration entries in 2020 in comparison to the annual averages from the previous five years. On the other hand, by April 2021, Italy experienced more than 5,300 migrant and refugee maritime arrivals, more than twice the number of arrivals during the same period in 2020. According to Mediterranea Saving Humans, more than 4,000 people were intercepted at sea and arbitrarily detained between 1 January and 1 March 2021, including 222 minors. 142 people were reported missing and 28 were found dead at sea during the same period. Three shipwrecks also were reported between Libya and Italy in February (February 19; 20; and 28).

Italy’s treatment of arriving migrants and asylum seekers since the onset of the pandemic has been harshly criticized by civil society groups. In late 2020, the Associazione Ricreativa Culturale Italiana (ARCI) expressed its “profound worries” and “condemnation of” Italy’s policy towards COVID-19 positive migrants and asylum seekers. Italy has been routinely quarantining newly arrived migrants on board ferries moored offshore in several ports in the south of the country. ACRI reported five such ferries in operation, yet the numbers of those on board have not been released. It appears that some of the migrants and asylum seekers on board are not in fact newly arrived but had been in various reception centres for several months or even years. ACRI was sent a video by an asylum seeker who said he was a resident in an emergency reception centre in Rome and had been in Italy for years, when he tested positive for COVID-19. The asylum seeker was taken from Rome to Palermo and placed on the HMV Rhapsody ferry, which subsequently sailed to the port of Bari in Puglia. ACRI said that this case was not unique and that it had “been following several other cases.” ACRI says that these asylum seekers are being kept in inadequate conditions and are being deprived of their liberty as they may not leave the ferry.

In mid-2020, ECRE reported that despite the impossibility of carrying out returns due to the suspension of flight connections at that time, Italy had not suspended forced repatriation measures nor adopted any policy concerning the release of immigration detainees, even from centres, like the Gradisca Detention Centre, where there COVID cases were being reported. Nevertheless, courts ordered the release of some detainees due to the suspension of asylum procedures or a lack of prospect of return. While the number of detainees in all centres was reportedly reduced by late April 2020, there were still 229 detained in the country at that time. Italy did adopt some pandemic-related measures for people in immigration detention. For instance, in two circulars from March 2020 (no. 5987 and 3567) the government recommended that detainees’ body temperature be checked before entering the centres; that masks be provided to detainees; and that hygiene supplies be given out.

The country began a national vaccination campaign under which “beneficiaries of international protection and asylum seekers are placed on equal footing as Italians,” according to the Association for Legal Studies on Immigration (ASGI). In addition, NGOs in southern Italy have organised a COVID-19 vaccination campaign that is open to all, including undocumented migrants, and have set up centres in the towns of Ragusa and Vittoria.

20 August 2021


Jezevo Reception Centre Seen From Outside, (Source: RTL,
Jezevo Reception Centre Seen From Outside, (Source: RTL, "RTL-ova ekipa obišla prihvatni centar Ježevo: pogledajte gdje će biti smještene izbjeglice",,
More than a year since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, Croatia had still not imposed a moratorium on new immigration detention orders and nor any released immigration as of mid/2021. Nonetheless there was a significant reduction in the number of people detained at the Jezevo Reception Centre in 2020, dropping to 163 from 535 in 2019. According to UNHCR, there were 916 refugees and 454 asylum seekers in the country in 2019, compared with 966 refugees and 567 asylum seekers in 2020.

Although the Croatian Interior Ministry provided the GDP with information concerning anti-COVID-19 measures adopted in immigration detention in August 2020--which included distribution of facemasks to people in reception centres--ECRE reported in December 2020 that “due to a lack of available information, it is … difficult to assess … how the health measures were implemented in detention centres.”

The country has ratified several relevant international human rights treaties including the Convention against Torture (CAT) and the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC). In its concluding observations in 2014, the Committee against Torture urged Croatia to “place asylum seekers in detention only in exceptional cases and [to] regularly monitor the facilities used as accommodation for asylum seekers through the national preventive mechanism or other monitoring mechanisms. The State party should (a) provide medical treatment and psychological counselling for asylum seekers; (b) ensure the early identification of victims of torture and other persons with specific needs among asylum seekers through the implementation of appropriate national protection mechanisms.”

During its review for the third cycle of the UN Universal Periodic Review (UPR) in 2020, Croatia received migration- and detention-related recommendations, including: “provide to refugee and asylum seekers effective access to international protection, and review its policy of return and collective deportation of migrants (Mexico) (para. 137.208)” and “strengthen measures to address overcrowding in places of detention and prisons and ensure that new such facilities meet international standards (Russian Federation) (para. 137.81).”

The country has implemented a national vaccination campaign, which according to the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights includes refugees, asylum seekers and migrants. In July 2021, the country lifted certain restrictions regarding entry into the Republic of Croatia. According to a decision issued by the Civil Protection Headquarters, all border crossing points in Croatia are closed, but are subject to exceptions such as for people who possess a valid EU Digital COVID certificate, those that have a negative PCR test and a few other exceptions.

13 August 2021


Migrants Sitting Inside a Classroom in Laâyoune, (DR, Infomigrants,
Migrants Sitting Inside a Classroom in Laâyoune, (DR, Infomigrants, "Coronavirus: au Maroc, des dizaines de migrants sub-sahariens arrêtés et confinés de force," 29 June 2020,
Migrant workers and asylum seekers in Morocco have faced a number of increasing hardships since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, including as a result of their lost access to work during lockdowns. Large numbers of migrants, particularly those who are undocumented, also lack any form of assistance or support in the country. In April 2020, a coalition of human rights groups issued a joint statement urging the country’s authorities to: provide assistance to the most vulnerable non-nationals, particularly those living in unsanitary accommodation or in makeshift camps; guarantee access to healthcare for those with chronic illnesses; ensure the automatic extension of residence permits to prevent non-nationals from finding themselves in an irregular situation; and ensure that all official information is translated into English and French so that all persons can access and understand the self-protection measures.

While authorities did not implement all of these recommendations, a source in Morocco informed the Global Detention Project that as per instructions from the king, “health police was made inclusive. Also new social housing was opened for the most vulnerable, especially children, … [and] great assistance work was provided by civil society associations in different locations, with an inclusive approach as well. Some of them focused on migrants, refugees, and asylum seeker assistance, in coordination with the Interior Ministry. UNHCR also provided cash assistance to all refugees and most vulnerable [asylum seekers] during this period.”

Significant numbers of migrants have faced arrest or detention in Morocco during the pandemic - often purportedly to ensure that they are tested for the virus. Since the first case was confirmed in the country in March 2020, numerous incidents have been reported in which migrants have been rounded up and detained. On one occasion, approximately 50 sub-Saharan migrants were arrested - reportedly based purely on their skin colour - in Laâyoune on 21 June 2020 and detained in a local school for seven days. During their detention, the group had no access to running water, clean clothes or sufficient food; no information on when they would be released; and no ability to leave the building for fresh air. Those who tested positive were placed in quarantine in a nearby hotel.

Testimonies collected by the Moroccan Association for Human Rights (AMDH) confirm that since the start of the pandemic, similar incidents have occurred across the country, with migrants detained in ad-hoc facilities such as schools, youth centres, and hotels for periods ranging from a few days to several months. Previously in May, some 80 migrants held in Laâyoune for more than two months had launched a hunger strike to demand an end to their detention. According to the National Human Rights Council (CNDH), the ad-hoc facility was also the scene of a violent confrontation between migrants and security forces, when detainees attempted to leave the facility.

Observers have also reported numerous instances in which non-nationals - principally black migrants and asylum seekers - have been arrested and detained, before being forcefully relocated out of urban areas into remote rural provinces. In late April 2021, a group of migrants - some of whom allegedly possessed residence documents - were arrested in Rabat, detained in a police station, and abandoned in Khourigba and Beni-Mellal (towns south-east of Rabat). Many others have reportedly been forced to the south of the country, having been arrested and detained in targeted raids in northern cities and transported south in overcrowded buses.

There appears to be little or no information available regarding steps that authorities may have taken to protect immigration detainees against the spread of the virus. In its list of issues prior to Morocco’s submission of its second periodic report (February 2021), the UN Committee on Migrant Workers (CMW) requested that Morocco describe the efforts taken to prevent infections in detention facilities and to provide health care to those requiring it.

09 August 2021


Overcrowded Cell in Bangkok Immigration Detention Centre in January 2020, (J. Lovelock,
Overcrowded Cell in Bangkok Immigration Detention Centre in January 2020, (J. Lovelock, "Pandemic Spreads in Thailand's Immigration Detention Centres," UCANews, 24 March 2021,
In March 2021, a number of immigrants became infected while detained by Thailand’s Immigration Bureau, including 77 migrant workers held at detention centres in Bangkok’s Bang Khen and Lak Si districts. Most of the detainees were Burmese, Laotian and Cambodian nationals. The Bangkok Post reported that based on data from the Centre for Covid-19 Situation Administration (CCSA) “almost 300 foreign immigrants at the Immigration Bureau's detention centres in Suan Phlu and Bang Khen have contracted COVID-19.” A CCSA spokesperson said that “98 out of 1,888 foreign immigrants at the immigration detention centres tested positive from March 11 to Saturday (March 20).” As a result, “The detention centres had stopped accepting new detainees,” and, according to the Commissioner-General of the Royal Thai Police, “the infected detainees would be transferred to the field hospital for treatment by physicians and nurses from the Police General Hospital.”

According to UCANews, the main reason why the number of migrant workers infected with COVID-19 increased dramatically in March was due to immigration detention centres’ poor conditions and overcrowdedness. There was inadequate sanitation and hygiene at the facilities, which enabled the virus to spread quickly. UCANews also reported that “many rights advocates have been calling on the Thai immigration authorities to improve conditions at immigration detention centers.” These groups pressured the government to release some detainees to reduce virus exposure. In response, the Thai authorities have promised to improve the conditions of immigration detention centers. One observer, however, suggested that “Once the public outrage [of the infection in the detention centres] in the wake of such publicity dies down ... things return to business as usual.”

04 August 2021


Z. Zelalem and W. Brown, “First Migrants Released from Saudi Detention Centres Arrive Home After Telegraph Investigation,” The Telegraph, 27 January 2021,
Z. Zelalem and W. Brown, “First Migrants Released from Saudi Detention Centres Arrive Home After Telegraph Investigation,” The Telegraph, 27 January 2021,
In 2020, the GDP highlighted several reports documenting the dire detention conditions and appalling ill-treatment that thousands of Ethiopian migrants had faced in Saudi Arabia (see, for example, 6 October 2020 Saudi Arabia update). Following international pressure--including from the European Parliament, as well as groups such as Human Rights Watch (HRW) who urged Saudi Arabia to release vulnerable detainees to protect them against COVID-19--Saudi Arabia and Ethiopia agreed in early 2021 to commence a repatriation programme. On 27 January 2021, the first group of 296 Ethiopian detainees were flown to Addis Ababa; since then, thousands more have been returned. According to MSF, during the first quarter of 2021 more than 60 percent of returnees evaluated by the organisation had spent between six months and one year in detention.

However, recent reports have highlighted that Tigrayans returned to Ethiopia have been separated from other returnees upon arrival and have been placed in Ethiopian detention facilities. In a tweet on 28 July, HRW Refugee and Migrant Researcher Nadia Hardman wrote: “Since 26 June 41000+ #Ethiopian migrants have returned from abusive detention in #SaudiArabia. The majority are from #Tigray. Reportedly most Tigrayan returnees are held in formal and informal detention sites in Addis & other regions w/ ltd access to families, food and water.” Their detention is believed to be part of a wider wave of round-ups of Tigrayans in Addis since late June 2021. According to a Tigrayan lawyer interviewed by Retuers, those detained “are not appearing before the court within (the legally mandated period of) 48 hours and we do not know their whereabouts - their family or lawyers cannot visit them.”

Commenting on the return of Ethiopians in a press briefing on 29 July, the country’s Foreign Affairs Spokesperson stated: “To accommodate an operation of this magnitude amid the ongoing public health challenges caused by the COVID-19, the Government set up 8 reception centers in Addis Ababa to temporarily shelter the migrants as they transit to their final destinations. The government allocated personnel and financial resources to provide the migrants with health care, feeding, psychosocial support and physical safety. Our partners are running an additional 4 shelters providing similar services but focused on migrants with special needs such as unaccompanied and separated children, mothers with babies, and human trafficking survivors. Admission to the centers is on a voluntary basis and the migrants enjoy the freedom of movement, including the right to leave anytime.”

According to UNHCR’s operational update from Ethiopia on 14 July 2021), of the 2,07,549 people to have been vaccinated against COVID-19, 3,720 are refugees. UNHCR also reports that together with its partners, it has continued to “reinforce prevention measures in the refugee camps and sites hosting internally displaced persons (IDPs).”

22 July 2021

United Kingdom

D. Taylor, “Legal Bids Mean UK Deportation Flight to Zimbabwe Takes Off Just One-Third Full,” The Guardian, 22 July 2021,
D. Taylor, “Legal Bids Mean UK Deportation Flight to Zimbabwe Takes Off Just One-Third Full,” The Guardian, 22 July 2021,
A surge in COVID-19 cases notwithstanding, UK authorities are continuing to arrange deportation flights. On 21 July, a flight to Zimbabwe departed with an estimated 14 persons on board. The first mass-deportation to Zimbabwe in years, media reports state that the flight marked the start of a planned “summer season” of deportations organised by the Home Office. Originally, the flight to Zimbabwe was scheduled to remove 50 people, but due to a combination of dozens of escorts having to self-isolate having come into contact with COVID-positive individuals; a new COVID outbreak at Brook House Immigration Removal Centre; and legal challenges, an estimated 36 deportations were paused.

The UK’s treatment of asylum seekers has come under renewed scrutiny after a controversial new “Nationality and Borders Bill”--dubbed the “Anti-Refugee Bill” by many campaigners--received backing in Parliament. According to the country’s Home Secretary Priti Patel, the bill will adopt “a fair but firm approach” and is “the change we need to fix the UK’s broken asylum system.” Among its various reforms is the criminalisation of entry into the UK without permission, an accelerated appeals procedure, and plans for Australian-style offshore detention. According to the bill, asylum seekers who travel to the UK from a safe third country will risk prosecution for unlawful entry and their asylum claims will be treated as “inadmissible”, and amendments to both the UK’s 2002 Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act and 2004 Asylum and Immigration Act will allow removal to a “safe country” while an asylum claim is pending.

NGOs, rights campaigners, and opposition MPs slammed the new bill. More than 200 organisations joined the “Together with Refugees” campaign, which is calling for a “fair, effective, and humane asylum system.” The UK’s Shadow Home Secretary lambasted it as “a missed opportunity that represents the worst of all worlds,” while another Labour MP stated: “The Bill is not about improving legislation, but about hate. It is little more than political gesturing of the worst kind.” The NGO Bail for Immigration Detainees (BID) expressed dismay at the bill’s “dire implications for human rights,” and the Refugee Council described it as “the latest stage in the ongoing attack on refugee rights in the UK.”

Many also argue that the bill breaches the 1951 Refugee Convention, which provides that the status of an asylum claim should not be dependent upon mode of entry to a country. Others have also highlighted the UK’s relatively low arrival rate within Europe - “It’s important to remember that compared to other European countries, the UK was only fifth in absolute terms in the number of asylum applications it received in 2020, and 17th if we adjust this number by population size.”

As previously reported on this platform (see 22 April update), non-nationals living in the UK are eligible to receive COVID-19 vaccines, “regardless of whether they have the legal right to live and work in the country and that getting the shot would not trigger immigration checks.” However, according to special report published by The Independent and the Bureau of Investigative Journalism, “hundreds of thousands of undocumented migrants face being blocked from booking Covid vaccinations, because GP surgeries are refusing to register them.” According to the report, fewer than a quarter of GPs across the country would register someone without ID documents or proof of address--thus leaving them incapable of accessing the vaccine.

On 21 July, campaigners welcomed the announcement that plans for an immigration detention facility in County Durham (Hassockfield) have been opposed by Durham County Council. “The County council has now clearly challenged that view, and opponents of the scheme are eager to work with the Council in any way possible to prevent the site from being used as an immigration detention centre in the future.”

14 July 2021


Detainees Sitting on Bunkbeds in the Overcrowded Safi Barracks, (Times Malta, “Watch: Migrants in Covert Video Beg to be Sent Back Home: Detainees Speak of Terrible Conditions at Safi Barracks,” 6 September 2020
Detainees Sitting on Bunkbeds in the Overcrowded Safi Barracks, (Times Malta, “Watch: Migrants in Covert Video Beg to be Sent Back Home: Detainees Speak of Terrible Conditions at Safi Barracks,” 6 September 2020
As of 1 July 2021, all asylum seekers and other non-EU residents in Malta became eligible for receiving a COVID-19 vaccination. Previously, only people who could provide a valid residence permit were eligible, according to the European Commission: “From 1 July only an identity document and provision of personal details (which are kept strictly confidential) is required in order to register for vaccination.”

Malta’s decision to ensure confidentiality of an individual’s identity documents during vaccination procedures appears to represent a firewall between health and immigration-related administrations. Erecting such firewalls has been urged by health professionals across the globe as a critical step for effectively addressing the pandemic even as many countries have refused to do so.

Despite these policy developments, Malta’s treatment of migrants and asylum seekers has repeatedly come under intense criticism. In February 2021, for example, the Jesuit Refugee Service issued a report detailing the impact of COVID-19 measures on immigration detention policies and practices in seven EU Member States where JRS has partners, including Malta, Spain, Belgium, Germany, Italy, Portugal, and Romania. Regarding Malta, JRS found that the situation for immigration detainees worsened as a result of the pandemic. Prior to the pandemic, it was legally possible to detain people arriving by boat for up to 70 days in Malta on public health grounds, with some exceptions for vulnerable groups. After the COVID-19 outbreak, the Maltese Superintendent of Public Health decided to detain for quarantine purposes all people arriving by boat until they were tested for COVID-19. In practice this meant that all new arrivals were held in detention for periods extending long beyond the 70-day limit. JRS also reported that detainees had their telephones taken away from them, cutting them off from vital communication with their families and the outside world.

Shortly after the JRS report was released, the European Court of Human Rights issued its judgement on the case of a Nigerian national, Joseph Feilazoo, held in immigration detention in Malta during the COVID-19 pandemic (Feilazoo v. Malta), which considered the lawfulness and conditions of detention and COVID-19 measures in detention centres. The court, in a 11 March 2021 ruling, found that Malta had breached Article 3 of the ECHR with respect to holding the applicant in an enclosed container, much of the time in excessive isolation, without fresh air, natural light or outdoor exercise for an unduly long period of time, without any likelihood of being removed to Nigeria; it also ruled that given the health risks, the applicant should not have been held in COVID-19 quarantine conditions with other newly arrived migrants; and that Malta had impeded Feilazoo's right to individual petition by restricting his communication with the court and failing to provide adequate legal representation.

After serving a prison sentence for drug-related offences, Feilazoo’s request to be returned to Spain was turned down as he was told he no longer had the right to reside in Spain and he was kept in immigration detention pending removal back to Nigeria. Feilazoo was moved from prison to immigration detention on 14 September 2019, where he was held for 14 months until he was released because the Nigerian authorities refused to issue him with travel documents and did not cooperate with the Maltese government’s request for his deportation.

In September 2020, the Times of Malta reported that a group of men from Morocco, Tunisia and Egypt (and other “Arabs”) held at Safi detention centre for between 3 to 11 months, were begging to be returned home because of the appalling living conditions and the long delays in processing their asylum applications. In a video sent to the Times of Malta, the men describe living in overcrowded, unhygienic living conditions, with a lack of medical care, clothing and nutritious food and the devastating impact this was having on their physical and mental health, including several suicide attempts. Asked to comment on the video, the Home Affairs Ministry justified some of these practices, arguing that a steep increase in irregular migration had led to unprecedented pressure on migrant reception centres and services and contributed to delays in processing cases.

Also in September 2020, Malta Today reported that a riot had broken out at the Safi detention centre and five detainees attempted to escape the facility. One of them was shot by a private security guard and sustained minor injuries. 27 detainees were later arrested and charged by police for causing damage during the riot and injuring police officers who tried to contain it.

06 July 2021


Australian Human Rights Commission, “Management of COVID-19 Risks in Immigration Detention,” 16 June 2021,
Australian Human Rights Commission, “Management of COVID-19 Risks in Immigration Detention,” 16 June 2021,
As COVID-19 cases rise again in areas of Australia - including New South Wales - prompting fresh lockdowns, a new report from the Australian Human Rights Commission has highlighted the serious risks that COVID-19 poses to people in the country’s immigration detention network. Although no immigration detainees have, to-date, tested positive in the country (although several staff members have contracted the virus), the commission urged Australian authorities to adopt various measures to better protect detainees.

Following a review of the collective response to the human rights risks posed by the COVID-19 pandemic in the context of immigration detention, the commission identified three key areas of concern: detainee population size, difficulties in physical distancing, and restriction of individuals’ rights. At the same time however, it commended several areas, including the government’s indication that the COVID-19 vaccine will be available for immigration detainees.

With regards to the detainee population, the commission criticises the fact that unlike other countries that released immigration detainees at the start of the crisis, Australia instead increased its immigration detainee population during the first year of the pandemic (from 1,373 in March 2020 to 1,527 in February 2021). The commission notes, “This population increase has contributed to capacity pressures throughout Australia’s network of immigration detention facilities and increased the concentration of detainees in compounds at various times throughout 2020.” The commission thus encouraged Australia to follow expert health advice and release people who present a low security risk into community-based alternatives to detention.

Although it recognises the government’s attempts to provide capacity relief by re-opening North West Point Immigration Detention Centre on Christmas Island, the commission argues that the centre is ill-equipped to respond to a COVID outbreak--due to the island’s isolation, and its lack of sophisticated health care facilities. (The facility’s inadequate health care provision was highlighted recently, in the case of the Murugappan family--a young family of four detained on the island since 2019--whose youngest child was transferred to Perth for emergency medical care after being hospitalised with a suspected blood infection.) As such, the commission writes: “As a matter of urgency, the Australian Government should decommission the use of all immigration detention facilities on Christmas Island, and implement more appropriate solutions to reduce the number of people in closed immigration detention.”

The commission also noted the need for authorities to improve detainees’ ability to socially distance, highlighting the fact that people often have less than the recommended four square metres of personal space, and that detainees are often required to sleep in bunk beds in shared rooms. The commission thus urged the Department of Home Affairs (DHA) and the Australian Border Force to limit bedroom occupancy levels to ensure distancing of 1.5 metres between persons at all times, the partition of sanitary facilities from living and sleeping spaces, and the provision of at least four square metres per person in multi-occupancy rooms.

Finally, the commission has urged authorities to ensure that measures restricting individuals’ rights--such as freedom of movement--are reasonable, necessary, and proportionate to addressing COVID-19 risks. For example, the commission points to the conditions in which individuals are held when quarantining, highlighting that centres have tended to use their “high care” accommodation units, which are usually used as isolation areas for behavioural management. “Bedrooms in these units are sparse, with hard, fixed furniture, and contain a toilet and shower, with some separated by partitions (but not doors). They have limited natural light, and any windows are tinted so there is no view outside, and they cannot be opened. Bedrooms are generally monitored using closed-circuit television (CCTV) cameras, but the Commission does not know if the CCTV is used when a person is in quarantine.”

On 28 May 2021, the commission received a formal response from the DHA to the report’s 20 recommendations. While it agreed to six of these recommendations and agreed in part with two, it noted seven and disagreed with five (including the recommendations that detention centres not exceed their operational capacity and that “high care” accommodation units cease being used for quarantine).

02 July 2021

South Africa

Lawyers for Human Rights, “Strandfontein Homeless Committee Takes on City of Cape Town,” 19 May 2020,
Lawyers for Human Rights, “Strandfontein Homeless Committee Takes on City of Cape Town,” 19 May 2020,
In March 2020, shortly after the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, South Africa announced plans to construct a 40-kilometre fence between South Africa and Zimbabwe, which was intended to “ensure that no undocumented or infected persons cross into the country. However, observers have pointed out that COVID-19 cases have been far higher in South Africa than Zimbabwe, suggesting that authorities utilised the pandemic to justify its wider securitisation agenda.

While authorities acknowledged the dangers that the virus poses to confined populations and took steps to release 20,000 low-risk prison inmates, they simultaneously stepped up the arrest and detention of migrants for petty crimes, and continued to arrest, detain and deport undocumented migrants (despite announcing on 25 March that asylum seekers whose visas expire after 16 March would not be penalised or arrested) - justifying such actions as necessary measures to contain the spread of the virus (for more on this, see the 6 November 2020 South Africa update on this platform). As Lawyers for Human Rights reported: “This proves that the preventive measures that were put in place in prisons and detention facilities were tailored only towards natural citizens of the state and further amplifies the dehumanisation of migrants in South Africa” (IDC 2020).

Refugee Reception Offices (RROs) were closed during the pandemic, leaving non-nationals unable to renew permits and register births. In December 2020, however, the Department of Home Affairs announced that permits issued to refugees and asylum seekers would remain valid until 31 January 2021, which was then extended to 31 March 2021. As of May 2021, valid permit holders were permitted to request permit extensions online.

According to the LHR, prisons and detention facilities were operating at 200-300 percent capacity at the start of the pandemic. Ad hoc facilities also appear to have been used to hold non-nationals. According to media reports, police rounded up hundreds of homeless migrants at the start of the pandemic, transferring them to Strandfontein Camp - a tented facility set up by Cape Town authorities in response to the pandemic. The Human Rights Commission documented severe movement restrictions, poor quality bedding, insufficient hygiene levels, and the inability to social distance. While the facility closed on 20 May 2020, a group of 180 people who had been confined in the facility were reportedly moved at night to an unserviced site under a highway overpass in Culemborg, central Cape Town (see the 26 May 2020 South Africa update on this platform for more details).

In May 2020, authorities also designated correctional facilities as temporary immigration detention sites during the pandemic. The “Determination of Correctional Facilities as Places of Detention of Illegal Foreigners Pending Deportation” provides that “illegal foreigners” may be placed in such facilities prior to their deportation or transfer to the Lindela facility “for the duration of the period of the national state of disaster as declared in terms of the Disaster Management Act, 2002 (Act No. 57 of 2002).

Despite borders being closed, authorities continued to conduct deportations during the pandemic. In May 2020, the country’s Minister of Home Affairs ordered deportations to be stepped up following an escape attempt from the Lindela Repatriation Centre and several riots. On 7 May 2020, 94 Lesotho nationals were deported, followed by 527 Zimbabwean nationals two days later.

According to UNHCR, there were 76,754 refugees and 173,461 asylum seekers in the country in 2020. The country has ratified several international human rights treaties including the Convention against Torture, the Convention on the Rights of the Child, and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. During its review for the third cycle of the UN Universal Periodic Review (UPR) in 2017, South Africa received migration- and detention-related recommendations, including: “promptly ratify the International Convention on the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families (Guatemala) (para. 139.2)” and “improve conditions in detention centres and avoid overcrowding, as well as the detention of migrants (Mexico) (para. 139.113).”

The UN Committee against Torture (CAT), in its concluding observations from its 2019 review of South Africa, said that the State party should (e) Refrain from detaining asylum seekers and foreign nationals in prolonged detention without a warrant at the Lindela Repatriation Centre, promote alternatives to detention and revise policy in order to bring it into line with the Guidelines on the Applicable Criteria and Standards relating to the Detention of Asylum-Seekers and Alternatives to Detention; (f) Ensure adequate living conditions, including by reducing overcrowding and providing hygiene, medical and other services at the Lindela Repatriation Centre, and all other immigration centres and police detention facilities; (g) Ensure that refugees, asylum seekers and foreign nationals and migrants have full access to health care.”

28 June 2021


Firefighters On a Crane on the Top Floor of Harmandali Removal Centre, (, “1 Asylum Seeker Lost His Life in the Fire at the Harmandali Removal Centre,” 23 June 2021,
Firefighters On a Crane on the Top Floor of Harmandali Removal Centre, (, “1 Asylum Seeker Lost His Life in the Fire at the Harmandali Removal Centre,” 23 June 2021,
A fire broke out at Turkey’s Izmir Harmandali Removal Centre on 23 June 2021 because of an electrical problem at the facility, according to information provided to the Global Detention Project by a non-governmental actor in Turkey. The fire started on the fifth floor of the centre where refugees are held. Firefighters evacuated the floor, but after the fire was brought under control, a 21-year-old Syrian asylum seeker was found dead. The Turkish Migration Department concluded that because the asylum seeker had not left his room during the fire, he must have committed suicide.

According to a report from the Turkish news service SOL, a staff member working at the removal centre told the news agency that refugees and asylum seekers held in the centre are constantly insulted, ridiculed, and humiliated by guards. The staff member said: “I saw that almost all of the male and female security guards are racist and anti-refugee. They don’t receive any training. Especially all of the shift supervisors - except one - are rude.” The staff member added: “Even raising your voice a little bit and demanding a phone card makes the security guards angry.” According to him, as a punishment, people are taken to the so-called foreign terrorist fighter floor, left alone for hours in a room, handcuffed behind their backs. The staff member also said that the centre’s conditions create such feelings of hopelessness that people end up hurting themselves because of it: “I’ve seen young refugees break their arm” just to go to hospital. In addition, he reported that in one case, a woman gave birth and the child had to be kept in hospital under observation. In the meantime, they brought the woman back to the removal centre and left her alone in a room without any support despite having a caesarean delivery and needing care. Another employee said that during the summer, the centre is constantly over capacity and food is sometimes not provided to detainees.

The problems at the Izmir Harmandali Removal Centre are indicative of broader problems across Turkey’s detention system that have been aggravated by the COVID-19. According to a report by the European Council on Refugees and Exiles, the deteriorating situations at Izmir and other removal centres have been compounded by the fact that lawyers, interpreters, and civil society advocates have been reluctant to enter removal centres out of fear of COVID-19 contamination, and meetings with families were stopped. The removal centre in Ankara did not accept any lawyers visiting after 5PM and lawyers had difficulties examining the files of their potential clients. At the Kirkkale removal centre, ECRE’s report found that requests for legal aid were not being delivered to the bar association and requests for assistance were mainly being received through the family members of detainees or the UNHCR.

According to a study on COVID-19 barriers and response strategies for refugees and undocumented migrants in Turkey, published in the Journal of Migration and Health in December 2020, Turkey hosts the largest number of “forced migrants” in the world, with approximately 3.6 million Syrians granted temporary protection and around 400,000 refugees and asylum seekers of other nationalities. The study mentions that while the Turkish Ministry of Health has taken various steps to provide health care to for all residents since the start of the COVID-19 outbreak in Turkey, there have been important challenges in health care provision for refugees, migrants under temporary protection, and other undocumented migrants, including language barriers preventing access to reliable information and access to health services for chronic conditions. Additionally, according to the research, the registration processes of undocumented patients in health centres has faced significant delays. There is a “stateless” category in the Ministry of Health registration system that may be used to register undocumented migrants. Yet, this has not been implemented in every health centre as it is largely dependent on the care providers’ decision to accept undocumented patients or not. There have also been issues regarding the distribution of free masks through pharmacies, as people would receive a text message to collect their masks according to their identification number. However, many migrants do not have identification numbers, therefore limiting their access to the masks. Another issue identified by the study is that when undocumented migrants seek health care, they risk being deported or being reported to the police. This has caused widespread fear among many refugees and undocumented migrants, fearing deportation or a loss of residency if they tested positive for COVID-19.

The government also implemented restrictive measures for entry and exit from refugee camps, including temperature checks prior to entry. Those individuals suspected of having COVID-19 are usually transferred to hospital, tested for COVID-19 and depending upon their condition, sent back to the camps for isolation. As of 2 July 2021, Turkey had recorded around 5.4 million COVID-19 cases and 49,774 related deaths.

25 June 2021


Volunteer Doctor Testing a New Prisoner for COVID-19, (UNDP, “Protéger les Droits des Détenus au Bénin,” 27 April 2021,
Volunteer Doctor Testing a New Prisoner for COVID-19, (UNDP, “Protéger les Droits des Détenus au Bénin,” 27 April 2021,
Benin, which as of 25 June 2021 had recorded more than 8,000 COVID-19 cases and 104 deaths, launched a national vaccination campaign in March 2021 with support from the COVAX Facility. However, it is unclear if migrants, refugees, or other non-citizens are included in the vaccination campaign or whether the country has taken any specific measures to safeguard those populations.

The GDP has been unable to establish the extent to which migration-related detention measures are used in Benin as part of immigration enforcement procedures. There is also no publicly available information concerning COVID-19 related measures taken for those in immigration or police custody.

According to UNHCR data, in 2020, there were 1,401 refugees and 464 asylum seekers in the country and 1,238 refugees and 373 asylum-seekers in 2019. The country has ratified several international human rights treaties including the Convention against Torture; the Convention on the Rights of the Child and most recently in July 2018, the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families. In its concluding observations in 2019, the Committee against Torture recommended that the country: (a) “improve material conditions in all places of detention, ensuring that prisoners receive the medical care and medicines necessary for their health in a timely manner and without charge, have access to nutritional and sufficient food, and enjoy adequate sanitary conditions and sufficient bedding; (b) take measures to end prison overcrowding by making greater use of alternatives to detention.”

The country took some measures to prevent COVID outbreaks in prisons, with assistance from non-governmental actors. In May 2020, a private foundation donated 130 boxes of face masks, 20 disinfectant sprays, 100 cans of bleach, 50 cans of soap, and 50 bottles of hydroalcoholic gel to the country’s prison administration. In addition, on 10 June 2020, the UN Development Programme (UNDP) gave Benin’s prison authority 110 hand-washing stations, 5,000 liters of bleach, 2,000 liters of hydroalcoholic gel and the ingredients necessary to make 30,000 liters of soap. The UNDP has estimated Benin’s prison occupancy rate as being as high as 170 percent capacity, which has helped lead to poor hygiene and a heightened risk of COVID-19 transmission. In October 2020, the UNDP deployed ten UN volunteers, including seven doctors and three psychologists, in Benin’s prisons to improve the quality of health services.

16 June 2021


J. Choong, “Malaysian Medical Group Condemns Govt Raid, Treatment of Migrant Workers in Cyberjaya in Fight Against Covid-19,” 9 June 2021,
J. Choong, “Malaysian Medical Group Condemns Govt Raid, Treatment of Migrant Workers in Cyberjaya in Fight Against Covid-19,” 9 June 2021,
Since the onset of the pandemic, Malaysian authorities have argued that crack-downs on undocumented migrants and other non-nationals are necessary to stop the spread of COVID-19. A recent example is the 24 May-28 June 2021 nationwide lockdown--referred to in Malaysia as a Movement Control Order (MCO)--during which Home Ministry officials have carried out wide-scale raids leading to the arrest of hundreds of undocumented migrants. Officials have said the raids are necessary to ensure that foreigners get vaccinated. Said the Home Minister: “If they are not detained, will they go out to get vaccinated? That is why they are detained.”

This policy appears to directly contradict earlier comments made by Malaysia’s Co-ordinating Minister for Immunisation, in which he reassured non-nationals that they would not face retribution should they come forward for vaccination (see 18 February 2021 update on this platform).

NGOs, lawyers, and health experts have condemned the new wave of raids, arguing that such measures will encourage non-nationals to flee and hide from authorities, complicating efforts to curb the virus. They point, also, to the spike in infections witnessed within detention facilities following raids in May 2020 (for more, see 4 June 2020 update on this platform). As the director of the Malaysian Medicine Association said following a raid in the city of Cyberjaya in which 202 undocumented migrants were rounded up: “The usual practice of ‘raid and detain’ must stop and better ways should be sought to tackle the problem of undocumented migrants. More raids will result in more detention centre clusters as we have repeatedly seen.”

In the wake of these raids, tensions appear to have emerged between the Malaysian government and UNHCR. On 12 June, the Home Ministry said that it had requested that UNHCR supply its list of all refugees in the country for the purpose of vaccinations. According to a news article published on 15 June, the Home Minister alleged that UNHCR had stipulated that such data can only be shared if authorities can provide assurance that refugees will not be arrested--a condition that the minister claimed showed UNHCR to be “not sincere” and which was upsetting his plans to vaccinate non-nationals. However, a spokeswoman for UNHCR denied that such a condition had been set, and that the agency had been working closely with the government since the start of the pandemic. She did, however, confirm that UNHCR advocates for no arrests of refugees and asylum seekers. “We have advocated with the Malaysian government to not arrest and detain refugees and asylum seekers, including those with expired UNHCR documents, especially because refugees have not been able to travel to UNHCR due to the restrictions under the MCO. Others are in the process of registration and do not yet have UNHCR documentation.”

The latest wave of raids appears to be part of a broad Malaysian policy trend towards migrants, refugees, and asylum seekers that views these non-citizens as transmitters of the virus. This trend was reflected in a recent Immigration Department post on Facebook, later deleted, which featured a military image accompanied by a caption which, translated, said: “Ethnic Rohingya migrants, your arrival is unwelcomed.” Commented Amnesty International: “The Malaysian government must explain why, especially in the time of a global pandemic, they have chosen to attack people in need. Refugees and migrants deserve to have their humanity upheld; Malaysians deserve a government that respects the rights and dignity of all.”

On 1 June, UNHCR expressed concern regarding vaccine shortages in the Asia-Pacific region, and a worrying increase in COVID-19 cases amongst refugees and asylum seekers in Malaysia--as well as in Nepal, Iran, Pakistan, Thailand, and Indonesia.

14 June 2021


LRT English, “Lithuania Mulls Plans to Build Refugee Camp,” 10 June 2021,
LRT English, “Lithuania Mulls Plans to Build Refugee Camp,” 10 June 2021,
According to recent news reports, Lithuanian authorities are considering expanding the capacity of the Pabrade Detention Centre (the “Foreigners Reception Centre) as a response to an increase in irregular migration from Belarus. Previously, the Global Detention Project (GDP) reported on this platform that the government announced in March 2020 a series of COVID-related measures that included quarantine and border closures. The government subsequently announced, in August 2020, plans to prepare new premises to quarantine arriving refugees as a COVID-19 response measure, though few details about this plan seem to have been released since then.

In mid-June 2021, Lithuania’s foreign minister said that irregular migration from Belarus was on the rise, purportedly as part of an effort to “weaponise” migration to Europe. Speaking to the Financial Times, the Lithuanian official accused Belarusian authorities of engaging in a “hybrid attack against Europe” by offering Syrians and Iraqis package travel deals via the state-run tourist agency Tsentrkurort. Allegedly, the deals include flights from Baghdad and Istanbul, and travel to the Lithuanian border. “This is weaponised migration that is directly aimed at Lithuania. The reason? It’s quite easy to guess. We are outspoken, we shelter the main opposition leaders [from Belarus],” said the minister.

According to statistics provided by the Financial Times, Lithuania apprehended 387 persons at the Belarus border between January and 14 June this year, compared to 74 throughout 2020. The newspaper also states that, “So far this year, Lithuania has detained almost double the migrants who crossed the frontier from Belarus than the combined total for the three previous years.”

Discussing the need to expand Pabrade’s capacity in the wake of increased arrivals, the facility’s director stated that a tented area will house up to 350 people, and that tents will include heating and cooling systems. According to the director, “The choice of accommodation would depend on the vulnerability of arriving foreigners, whether those are single persons, or families with children, or single mothers. And we think that accommodation in tents would be offered to single persons.”

The GDP reported in a 2019 report on Lithuania that the Pabrade facility has been the focus of repeated criticism for its poor detention conditions, allegations of disproportionate use of force, and overcrowding. The facility is currently believed to be undergoing renovations, due for completion in 2022.

Although Lithuania imposed restrictions on access to its territory during the pandemic, UNHCR’s COVID-19 website reports that such restrictions have not applied to asylum seekers. However, in July 2020 the country’s cabinet of ministers blocked the resettlement of a Syrian family from Jordan, citing COVID-19 risks. The cabinet’s decision sparked controversy, given that authorities had granted permission to Russian, Ukrainian, and Kazakh basketball teams to enter Lithuania to attend training camps.

In 2015, Lithuania agreed to accept 1,105 refugees through the EU’s refugee resettlement scheme--although this quota was later decreased to 1,077. As of May 2021 only 499 people had been relocated to the country.

09 June 2021


S. Fernández, “Luz Verde al Nuevo CIE de Algeciras por 21 millones de Euros,” ABCandalucía, 11 November 2020,
S. Fernández, “Luz Verde al Nuevo CIE de Algeciras por 21 millones de Euros,” ABCandalucía, 11 November 2020,
Shortly after the onset of the first wave of COVID-19 in early 2020, Spain began emptying its immigration detention centres - Centros de Internamiento de Extranjeros (CIEs) - and by 6 May 2020, authorities had temporarily closed them all (see 15 May 2020 Spain update on this platform). This development was welcomed by human rights organisations including the Campaña Por el Cierre de los Centros de Internamiento para Extranjeros, who also highlighted that detainees were left without support or place of residence, and were not referred to reception centres.

Despite a second-wave of COVID-19 infections sweeping through Europe, the Spanish government ordered the reopening of CIEs towards the end of September 2020. According to the Jesuit Refugee Service (JRS) 2020 annual report, due to a lack of protocols and sanitary measures, the reopening led to the spread of the virus, resulting in detainees being isolated and causing widespread anxiety and anguish. The JRS stated that the government reopened the centres to demonstrate its alignment with the new European pact on asylum and migration presented on the same day as the reopening of CIEs. The new pact on asylum, aims to, inter alia, speed up the timeframe for returns and ensure that detention operations are conducted in centres that would guarantee this. One of the authors of the JRS noted that at that time, “the borders were still very much closed and there was a lot of uncertainty about the possibility of conducting returns. If detention in a CIE is a measure to ensure returns, how can detention be resumed if it is unclear that returns can be conducted?”

The JRS also reported that of the 1,904 people returned during 2020, only 524 were returned from a CIE (27.5 percent), as most people are returned within 72 hours following their arrival. According to the JRS, these statistics reinforce the argument that the use of detention is largely unnecessary and causes unnecessary suffering. According to the report, there were 2,224 people held in CIEs during 2020, of whom 1,767 were held due to a return order being issued against them. In addition, 42 were identified as minors. Nevertheless, according to the JRS, Spain has indicated its commitment to expanding the use of immigration detention through its plan to build a new CIE in Algeciras, which will have a capacity of 500 places and a budget of 21 million euros.

In May 2021, the country returned 4,000 of the 8,000 migrants who arrived in Ceuta during a wave sparked in part by a diplomatic dispute between Morocco and Spain. Around 6,000 people (largely Moroccan nationals), of whom 1,500 were children, swam to Ceuta on 17 and 18 May 2021 and one person died during the crossing. The country mobilised 200 additional police personnel in addition to the 1,200 officers who were already patrolling the border with Morocco.

Due to the large number of arrivals to the Canary Islands in 2020 (see 27 October 2020 and 20 November 2020 Spain updates on this platform), in November 2020, the Spanish government unveiled the “Plan Canarias” which aimed to create 7,000 accommodation places for migrants on the islands of Gran Canaria, Fuerteventura and Tenerife. However, five months later, in April 2021, Amnesty International Spain reported that reception conditions on the archipelago remain worrying, including overcrowding, COVID-19 infections and general hygiene. On 15 April 2021, a Judge in Las Palmas held that migrants stuck on the islands were entitled to travel to mainland Spain if they “proved their identity with a passport” or with an “application for international protection.”

07 June 2021


The Guardian, “Denmark Passes Law to Relocate Asylum Seekers Outside Europe,” 3 June 2021,
The Guardian, “Denmark Passes Law to Relocate Asylum Seekers Outside Europe,” 3 June 2021,
MPs in Denmark passed, by a vote of 70-20, legislation that will allow authorities to relocate asylum seekers to centres in third countries outside the European Union while their applications are processed. "If you apply for asylum in Denmark, you know that you will be sent back to a country outside Europe, and therefore we hope that people will stop seeking asylum in Denmark," said the government’s spokesman.

Government officials report that they have begun negotiations with potential partner countries. There is speculation that Rwanda may become one such partner country, following news that the two countries signed a diplomatic agreement on asylum matters in April.

Numerous observers have condemned the legislation, including the European Commission, which questioned the bill’s compatibility with Denmark’s international obligations. Blasting the bill as “irresponsible” and “lacking in solidarity,” the Danish Refugee Council warned that “Similar models, such as the Australian model or the so-called ‘hotspots’ on the Greek islands, have involved serious incidents of detention, physical assault, slow asylum proceedings, lack of access to health care and lack of access to legal assistance.”

The GDP has repeatedly highlighted in its reporting on Denmark that the country has gained notoriety for its increasingly strict immigration regime and adoption of harsh rhetoric regarding migrants and refugees. In January this year Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen, in comments before Parliament, highlighted her plans to reduce the number of asylum applications in Denmark to zero. Authorities recently revoked the residence permits of several hundred Syrian refugees in the country, after deeming parts of Syria “safe” for returnees.

The country’s main immigration detention sites--Ellebæk Detention Centre and Nykøbing Falster Arrest--meanwhile remain sites of grave concerns for many observers. In 2019, the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture described the living conditions and regimes in both facilities as “unacceptable,” and--in light of at least one credible allegation of excessive use of force against a detainee--warned the management of Ellebæk Detention Centre that “all forms of ill-treatment, including verbal abuse, are unacceptable and will be sanctioned accordingly.”

During the COVID-19 pandemic, levels of anxiety amongst detainees’ have reportedly risen, and many detainees have seen their detention prolonged repeatedly--despite authorities’ inability to conduct deportations. In an op-ed for Al Jazeera, two members of Ellebæk Contact Network, a former detainee and a Danish researcher, wrote: “The measures taken by authorities to reduce the risk of infection, including limiting the number of visitors allowed, cancelling activities and church services, which provided a connection to the outside world, together with the risk of being forcibly tested for COVID-19 and quarantined in solitary confinement have aggravated their isolation and reduced the possibilities for external actors to monitor the conditions for detainees.”

31 May 2021


Corridor in Monaco's Prison, (Monaco Hebdo, N. Gehin,
Corridor in Monaco's Prison, (Monaco Hebdo, N. Gehin, "La Prison à l'Epreuve du Coronavirus," 20 April 2020,
The Principality of Monaco, located on the French Riviera, is the second-smallest independent state in the world and has a population of approximately 38,000 people. The country introduced several measures in March 2020 to combat the spread of the virus, including imposing a lockdown and curfew. As of 31 May 2021, the country had recorded 2,504 COVID-19 cases and 32 related deaths.

The GDP has been unable to establish the extent to which migration-related detention measures are used in Monaco as part of immigration enforcement procedures. There is also no publicly available information concerning COVID-19 related measures taken to safeguard people in immigration or police custody, or people in international protection situations.

The country’s prison system adopted preventive measures to avoid the spread of COVID-19. In April 2020, temperature checks were implemented for some staff, protective masks were provided to the prison staff, and new prisoners were placed in isolation. According to the World Prison Brief, there were 8 prisoners in the country on 15 April 2020 and all prisoners were foreign nationals.

According to the UNHCR, there were 25 refugees and no asylum-seekers in the country as of 2020. The country has ratified several international human rights treaties including the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment and the Convention on the Rights of the Child. During its review for the third cycle of the UN Universal Periodic Review (UPR) in 2018, Monaco received several migration- and refugee-related recommendations, including: “consider ratifying the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families (Philippines) (para. 78.3)” and “consider adopting a procedure for granting asylum or refugee status while continuing its support for the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees’ work in protecting refugees (United States of America) (para. 76.72)”.

The UN Committee against Torture (CAT), in its concluding observations from its 2017 review of Monaco, noted that while the “Monegasque authorities provide for the administrative and legal protection of refugees residing in the Principality of Monaco and that the French Office for the Protection of Refugees and Stateless Persons (OFPRA) examines cases and issues of advisory opinions, the Committee remains concerned about the lack of clarity regarding the legal grounds for the procedures that are applicable to asylum seekers, the conduct of such procedures, and the safeguards provided.” In consequence, the Committee recommended that the State party “ensure that the procedures applicable to asylum seekers and the procedure for cooperation with OFPRA are made clearer and accessible to all. In addition, the Committee would like to receive data on the number of applications submitted to and examined by OFPRA and the number of cases in which the Monegasque authorities have accepted or rejected the opinions of OFPRA and the reasons for doing so. The Committee would also like to know how many expulsion orders have been appealed since 2011 and whether these appeals have had a suspensive effect during the deliberations of the Supreme Court.”

Following the CAT’s concluding observations, Monaco submitted a follow-up report in December 2017 in which the country explained that “decisions rejecting applications for asylum are individual administrative acts issued by the Ministry of State. … Applications for reconsideration may be lodged with the regulatory or dispute authority, while appeals concerning abuse of power are heard by the Supreme Court. These appeals do not have suspensive effect. They may, however, be combined with a motion to stay. … The number of cases in which the Monegasque authorities have not followed the recommendations of OFPRA is as follows: 2 opinions not followed; 1 opinion followed… Concerning the data on the number of expulsion orders appealed since 2011, 13 appeals were lodged before the Supreme Court against measures of refoulement from the Monegasque territory, one of which was combined with a request for a stay of execution.”

28 May 2021

Solomon Islands

Solomon Islands Red Cross Society Handing Over Items Donated by ICRC to the Correctional Services of Solomon Islands on 13 May 2020, (Solomon Islands Red Cross Society, Facebook Post, 13 May 2020,
Solomon Islands Red Cross Society Handing Over Items Donated by ICRC to the Correctional Services of Solomon Islands on 13 May 2020, (Solomon Islands Red Cross Society, Facebook Post, 13 May 2020,
The Solomon Islands, made up of six major islands and located east of Papua New Guinea, has a population of approximately 670,000 people. A state of emergency was announced on 27 March 2020 and all flights into the country were suspended. As of 28 May 2021, the country had recorded 20 COVID-19 cases and no related deaths.

The Global Detention Project has been unable to establish the extent to which migration-related detention measures are used in Saint Kitts and Nevis as part of immigration enforcement procedures. There is also no publicly available information concerning COVID-19 related measures taken to safeguard people in immigration or police custody, or people in international protection situations.

The country has ratified only some of the core human rights treaties, including the Convention on the Rights of the Child and the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. In consequence, the Solomon Islands received numerous recommendations concerning human rights treaties during its review for the second cycle of the UN Universal Periodic Review (UPR) in 2016, including: “ratify the core human rights instruments, including the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families (Sierra Leone) (para. 100.23)” and “ratify the Convention against Torture, and Other Cruel, Inhuman and Degrading Treatment or Punishment (Portugal) (Montenegro) (para. 100.18).”
In a submission to the UPR in 2015, UNHCR highlighted that despite being a party to the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees and having drafted legislation to implement its international refugee obligations domestically through the draft Refugee Status Determinations Bill 2010, the legislation had not yet been introduced before the National Parliament of Solomon Islands. UNHCR also noted that they were aware of a small number of refugees (less than five) present in the Solomon Islands, and that due to the small number of cases and more pressing domestic issues, “asylum-seekers, refugees, stateless persons and internally displaced persons are not prominent concerns” in the country.

As regards the country’s prison system, on 1 September 2020, the Correctional Services Emergency Coordination group visited Gizo prison and found that preventive measures had been put in place including: temperature checks, regular hand washing, as well as sanitising and cleaning of premises. Similar visits were conducted in Lata and Kirakira prisons. On 13 May 2020, the International Committee of the Red Cross donated 116 soap cartons, 85 liters of detergent, 45 liters of chlorine, 20 liters of sanitary products and 27 bottles of hydroalcoholic gel to the country’s prison authority to assist in the country’s COVID response.

21 May 2021


J. Ryall, “Japan Drops Plans to Fast-Track Refugee Deportations After Sri Lankan’s Death in Detention,” This Week in Asia, 18 May 2021,
J. Ryall, “Japan Drops Plans to Fast-Track Refugee Deportations After Sri Lankan’s Death in Detention,” This Week in Asia, 18 May 2021,
Japan’s immigration detention system has recently come under renewed scrutiny. In particular, the 6 March death of a 33 year old Sri Lankan woman--Ratnayake Liyanage Wishma Sandamali--who died in the Nagoya Regional Immigration Bureau Detention House following months of health complaints, sparked a wave of criticism and drew international attention.

Sandamali had been detained since August 2020, when she visited a police station seeking help with domestic violence but upon which she was arrested for overstaying her visa. Since December 2020, she had repeatedly complained of stomach pains and other symptoms including fever and trouble eating. Press outlets report that despite clear signs of illness and repeated requests for release and hospital treatment, officials at the centre refused to release her, arguing that she was feigning illness in order to secure release. Some have pointed in anger to the fact that while the centre had refused to release a clearly unwell Sandamali, Japan had released hundreds of healthy detainees during the pandemic to alleviate overcrowding and prevent major outbreaks in facilities.

According to her two sisters, who travelled to Japan for her funeral, Sandamali had been held in a “tiny” and depressing room, and at a press conference they expressed their anger at the lack of answers they had received from immigration officials regarding the circumstances surrounding her death. Authorities have also refused to release video footage of Sandamali in the detention centre prior to her death, prompting many to challenge the country’s opaque detention practices. Since her death, protestors have gathered on an almost daily basis outside Parliament to criticise the government’s detention practices.

Japan’s immigration policies have long been criticised by observers as unduly harsh and strict. Few asylum seekers are successful in their applications: In 2019, authorities granted asylum to less than one percent of applicants. Large numbers of foreigners, including asylum seekers, are instead detained indefinitely, despite criticisms from UN rights bodies such as the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination. In 2019, a Nigerian man died in detention following a hunger strike in response to his three-year long confinement. His death was one of 17 that have been reported inside detention facilities since 2007. Of these, 10 deaths were due to sickness, five were suicides, and the cause of the remaining two is unknown.

Shortly after Sandamali’s death, Japanese authorities announced that they were abandoning plans to overhaul the country’s immigration law. The previously planned amendments would have made the country’s immigration system even stricter, and had been heavily criticised by rights observers. Amongst the now withdrawn proposals was a plan to remove an existing provision that suspends deportation orders when an asylum seeker appeals a decision or reapplies for protection, and plans to move rejected asylum seekers who refuse to comply with deportation orders into the criminal system. The amendments, however, did not include changes to the country’s currently unlimited detention time.

As the GDP has previously reported on this platform, significant numbers of immigration detainees were released during the pandemic. Reports suggest that those released were required to meet certain conditions, such as regularly reporting to immigration facilities. However, according to the Solidarity Network with Migrants Japan, released detainees have been given no financial support and are banned from working legally--something that the group argues is an effort by Japanese authorities to encourage non-nationals to leave voluntarily. Many have instead been supported by local civil society organisations. Similar release arrangements do not appear to have been applied to the country’s prisons.

Despite efforts to decongest detention facilities, cases of COVID-19 have nevertheless been recorded. In February 2021, five staff and 39 detainees tested positive at the Tokyo Immigration Bureau Detention House. All detainees were subsequently tested, and infected detainees were quarantined. Some observers blamed the fact that rooms in facilities such as these are “small, closed spaces.” Meanwhile, as the virus continues to fluctuate, Japan has extended its state of emergency and most foreign nationals continue to be denied access to the country. According to UNHCR, exceptions have however been made for asylum seekers. To-date, the GDP has been unable to ascertain whether immigration detainees will be eligible for COVID-19 vaccinations.

18 May 2021

Saint Kitts and Nevis

The St. Kitts and Nevis Observer, “HMP Has Strict Measures to Avoid COVID-19 Outbreak,” 16 May 2021,
The St. Kitts and Nevis Observer, “HMP Has Strict Measures to Avoid COVID-19 Outbreak,” 16 May 2021,
Saint Kitts and Nevis (the Federation of Saint Christopher and Nevis) is a small archipelago nation made up of two islands located in the western Caribbean (West Indies). With a population of approximately 52,000, the country is the smallest in the Western Hemisphere. On 31 March 2020, following the confirmation of its first two COVID-19 cases, the country imposed a full lockdown that included a 24-hour curfew and the temporary closure of its borders. Many travel restrictions, including entry and quarantine requirements, which have been in place since April 2021, remained in place as of May 2021, including suspension of flights from Brazil, South Africa, and the United Kingdom. As of 17 May 2021, the country had recorded 45 cases of COVID-19 and no related deaths.

The Global Detention Project has been unable to establish the extent to which migration-related detention measures are used in Saint Kitts and Nevis as part of immigration enforcement procedures. There is also no information publicly available concerning COVID-19 related measures taken to safeguard people in immigration or police custody, or people in international protection situations.

According to UNHCR, from 2018 to 2020, there were five refugees in the country and no asylum seekers, stateless persons, or Venezuelans displaced abroad. The country has ratified only some of the core human rights treaties, including the Convention on the Rights of the Child and the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. In consequence, Saint Kitts and Nevis received numerous recommendations concerning human rights treaties during its review for the second cycle of the UN Universal Periodic Review (UPR) in 2015, including: “ratify core international human rights instruments, including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and its Optional Protocols, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and the Convention against Torture and its Optional Protocol (Germany) (para. 92.3)” and “guarantee the protection of refugees in conformity with the obligations of the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees (Djibouti) (para. 92.74).”

In a submission to the UPR in 2015, UNHCR highlighted that despite being a party to the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees, the “country has not passed implementing legislation or administrative regulations on asylum or refugee matters, nor established a national asylum procedure” and has not acceded to the 1967 Protocol relating to the Status of Refugees. UNHCR made a series of recommendations in this regard, including, inter alia: “consider the passage of domestic refugee legislation; develop a national refugee status determination procedure”; and “facilitate full and open access to asylum procedures for persons who have expressed a fear of returning to their country of origin and to ensure non-refoulement of all persons in need of international protection.”

As regards the country’s prison system, in May 2020, the country’s Commissioner of Corrections announced the establishment of an early release system for prisoners. The Commissioner said authorities “have formulated a list of inmates who were nearing the end of their sentences and so these are persons who I had recommended to be released from Her Majesty’s Prison but there is a process that we have to follow. It is not automatic that they would be released.” At the time, the prison population in St Kitts and Nevis stood at 184, of which 162 were held in St. Kitts, while 22 were held in Nevis. In November 2020, prison authorities stated that sanitary protocols put in place since March 2020 were to remain in place until the end of the pandemic and include the obligation to wear a mask for staff and hand sanitisation as well as body temperature checks for any new inmates.

12 May 2021

United States

A still from surveillance footage included in a Department of Homeland Security Office of Inspector General report from March about pandemic-era violations of detention standards at the La Palma immigration detention center in Arizona. The people being pepper sprayed had been peacefully protesting to demand better protection from COVID-19: N. Lanard,
A still from surveillance footage included in a Department of Homeland Security Office of Inspector General report from March about pandemic-era violations of detention standards at the La Palma immigration detention center in Arizona. The people being pepper sprayed had been peacefully protesting to demand better protection from COVID-19: N. Lanard, "ICE Allowed COVID-19 Breakouts and Concealed Hospitalizations, A New Report Shows," Mother Jones, 11 May 2021,
The American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) released a hard-hitting report on the mistreatment of detainees at U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) detention centres since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic. Based on the details of more than 40 lawsuits filed by the ACLU on behalf of detainees, the report, titled “The Survivors: Stories of People Released from ICE Detention During the COVID-19 Pandemic,” documents “ICE’s failure to protect people in detention as well as demonstrable lies and misrepresentations over the course of litigation, including in sworn declarations to the court. It also makes recommendations to the administration and highlights the stories of 19 people who were detained during the pandemic and released as a result of litigation.”

The ACLU report was released as numerous other investigations began appearing concerning ICE’s failure to address the pandemic in its detention centres and the growing COVID-19 crisis spreading across the U.S. immigration detention system, where the rate of infection far exceeds that of the rest of the United States. One notable report was the New York Times April 2021 video report, “How ICE’s Mishandling of COVID-19 Fueled Outbreaks Around the Country,” which details how infections in detention centres spread to surrounding communities and concludes that ICE could have released many more detainees to help limit the spread of the disease. According to the Times, the infection rates at U.S. immigration detention centres is 20 times higher than the general population and five times higher than in prisons.

Mother Jones magazine reported (11 May 2021): “According to ICE’s own statistics, 14,057 people have tested positive for COVID-19 while in the agency’s custody. As of Sunday [9 May 2021], a staggering 1,906 of the roughly 16,700 people in detention right now are being monitored for active COVID-19 infections. If the United States had a similar infection rate, there’d be nearly 40 million active infections at the moment, as opposed to the roughly 560,000 that have been recorded over the past two weeks.”

However, ICE’s statistics may not relate the full, staggering scope of the COVID catastrophe in the U.S. immigration detention system. In one case featured in the ACLU report, a detainee at ICE’s Adelanto Detention Centre in California, named Martine Vargas Arellano, was released by ICE just days before he died. By releasing Arellano—who, in addition to contracting COVID at Adelanto, suffered from schizophrenia, diabetes, and hepatitis—before he died, ICE avoided the mandatory requirement to report all “in-custody deaths.” Opined the ACLU: “ICE’s practice of releasing detained people from custody when they are hospitalized and near death is of particular concern, given that ICE has refused to publicly release information and statistics regarding the number of people who have been hospitalized for COVID-19 during the pandemic. This practice raises serious concerns as to the accuracy and validity of ICE’s statistics regarding the number of deaths that have occurred as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic in detention.”

Press reports have also revealed that ICE has in some cases released COVID-positive detainees without providing medical information to local communities or others. According to the Washington Post (15 March 2021), officials and advocates in the border town of Calexico, California, began documenting early this year how ICE repeatedly dropped off detainees at the town’s bus station, having previously notified volunteers of the drop-offs but failing to provide details about the detainees’ medical conditions. Reported the Post: “In a border area that has suffered from ongoing coronavirus outbreaks, advocates for immigrants and ICE are at odds over the agency's treatment of detainees with the coronavirus. Advocates and county officials say they had no idea ICE was dropping off infected detainees at the bus stop; ICE says it is the agency's protocol to notify local authorities ahead of time. While the advocates agree that detainees with the coronavirus should be released from detention so they can seek better medical care, not coordinating those transfers with health officials and nonprofits is a danger to public health, they said.”

Commenting on this practice, Jules Kramer of the Minority Humanitarian Foundation told the Post: "It's reprehensible. It's a threat to public safety. It's a threat to our asylum seekers. It's a threat to the people on the ground helping. It's absolutely unforgivable."

The U.S. immigration detainee population fell dramatically during the first months of the pandemic. According to ICE’s Fiscal Year 2020 (October 2109-September 2020) report, ICE “reduced its detained population to 75 percent or below in all facilities and 70 percent or below in ICE dedicated facilities.” ICE also reports widespread testing of detainees: “As of the end of FY 2020, ICE ERO had tested more than 40,000 detainees, and had initiated testing for all new intakes at 74 facilities nationwide.”

As of 11 May 2021, ICE had recorded a total 14,094 positive cases among its detainee population.

11 May 2021


Statistics on Detainees per Category of Detention in Switzerland from 2017 to 2021, (Office Fédéral de la Statistique,
Statistics on Detainees per Category of Detention in Switzerland from 2017 to 2021, (Office Fédéral de la Statistique, "Statistique de la Privation de Liberté: Effectif des Détenus Selon le Type de Détention," 27 April 2021,
In early May 2021, the Swiss immigration authority (Secrétariat d’Etat aux Migrations or SEM) launched an investigation into allegations of violence at federal asylum centres in Switzerland. The investigation followed the release of press reports about the use of excessive force by security officers when dealing with some asylum seekers. According to SEM, appropriate procedures and reporting by security staff were not followed properly. By May, 14 private security staff had been suspended at three centres, including eight at Boudry in the Canton of Neuchâtel.

One of the cases reported by Swiss news agencies was that of Ayoub, a young Moroccan national who was housed at the largest centre, in Boudry, in November 2020. He was placed in a container without heating in the middle of winter. Said Ayoub: “It is a very small place. On the floor and on the walls, there were traces of blood. On the ground, traces of vomit and urine. The smell was unbearable and I felt like I was lacking oxygen. It was terribly cold and there was no bed or mattress.” Ayoub was found in a state of advanced hypothermia, and a criminal investigation was launched after medical staff alerted judicial authorities.

The investigation comes as other cases of mistreatment of asylum seekers by officials gain attention in Switzerland.

On 9 May, a Swiss court convicted three border guards of mistreatment of a pregnant Syrian asylum seeker who suffered a miscarriage during her removal to Italy in 2014.

In February 2021, the case of a Guinean national named Abdou Mariga, who died shortly after Switzerland deported him to Guinea in 2019, gained national attention when members of the Swiss Federal Council opened up an investigation into SEM’s decision to deport the young man. This decision was taken despite the fact that he had no family members in that country and the canton he resided in had wanted to regularise his status. Suffering from hepatitis B and destitute, Abdou Mariga was unable to find treatment and died just months after his deportation at the age of 30.

In a separate development, the number of people held in Swiss prisons and detention centres was at its lowest level in a decade as of early 2021. According to experts, the decline is partly due to measures put in place since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic. On 31 January 2021, the number of people held in Swiss prisons was 6,316, 8.4 per cent lower than on the same day in 2020. Foreign nationals detained for migration-related procedures made up a small fraction of that number, accounting for only 115 of the country’s total detainee population on that day, down from 267 on that same day in 2019 and 428 in 2009.

However, foreign nationals nevertheless account for the largest percentage of Switzerland’s total prison population, according to a recent Council of Europe study, which found that nearly 75 percent of detainees in Swiss prisons are non-citizens. The Swiss prison system comprises 92 institutions with a total capacity of 7,397 places. Nearly 95 percent of prisoners are men and more than 70 percent are foreign nationals. An important reason for this is that Switzerland has one of the highest percentages of foreign residents in Europe: 25.1 percent in 2017, or 2.1 million people. This translates to “almost three out of every 10 residents in Switzerland.”

Despite the decrease in the overall prison population, Switzerland did not opt to release large number of prisoners after onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, opting instead to impose a series of other measures to prevent the spread of the disease, including restricting visits to prisoners, limiting paroled absences, and cutting back on sporting and other social activities. This resulted in inmates having to spend more time in their cells in isolation. Prisons in some cantons, however, appeared to try to implement comparatively more humane measures. At Champ-Dollon in Geneva, Switzerland’s most overcrowded prison, plexiglass partitions were put up in the visiting area so that family members could still visit. The prison’s population also dropped from 650 to 560 as alternatives to custodial sentences were adopted including, house arrest, electronic bracelets, and an obligation to report to the police. For its part Canton Bern released some three dozen inmates who were in an open prison or in semi-detention as they belonged to at-risk groups, and they waived custodial sentences for individuals serving less than 30 days who were not considered to be a danger to society.

10 May 2021


Outside View of the Zone d'Attente pour les Personnes Maintenues en Instance (ZAPI), (C. Bouanchaud,
Outside View of the Zone d'Attente pour les Personnes Maintenues en Instance (ZAPI), (C. Bouanchaud, "Covid-19 : craignant que la zone d’attente de l’aéroport de Roissy ne se transforme en cluster, les associations se retirent," Le Monde,
On 26 April 2021, the National Association for Assistance at Borders for Non-Citizens (Association Nationale d’Assistance aux Frontières pour les Étrangers or ANAFE) announced that it was temporarily stopping its operations at the Zone d’Attente pour Personnes en Instance (ZAPI) of Roissy airport, a transit zone where non-citizens without authorisation to enter France are held for brief periods of time. ANAFE took the decision because of the lack of sanitary measures at the facility, including lack of ventilation; cramped corridors; no social distancing; no disinfectant supplies; masks not properly worn or not worn by people in custody or staff members; and no hydroalcoholic gel or self-service soap provided to detainees.

During the week of 19 April 2021, 120 people were held in the ZAPI of Roissy, which has 160 places. As of 26 April 2021, 126 people were still being held and every week, several confirmed COVID-19 cases are discovered. The Bar Association of Seine-Saint-Denis also withdrew last week for four days to protest the lack of health measures adopted, while the Red Cross had already withdrawn from the ZAPI of Roissy on 21 April 2021.

Despite reports of conditions and petitions to the courts, on 23 April 2021 a judge (juge des libertés et de la détention) stated that “while conditions in the ZAPI can be improved ... they could not be considered as endangering the health of the occupants.”

Separately, in Mayotte, an overseas department region of France, imposed a strict lockdown in March 2020, halting maritime and air travel and intercepting kwassas-kwassas carrying Comoros nationals. In total, 703 speed boats were detected during 2020, while 470 were interedicted and 3,989 people were arrested by Mayotte authorities. In September 2020, 10 people including a child drowned during the passage, after their kwassa-kwassa carrying 24 capsized. Importantly, Comoros nationals often face administrative detention in Mayotte, which has been criticised for its degrading treatment and lack of procedural safeguards: in June 2020, the European Court of Human Rights ruled that the immigration-related administrative detention and expulsion of two Comoros children from Mayotte violated the European Convention on Human Rights.

07 May 2021


Cuartel de la Policia de Investigaciones de Iquique, (Google Maps, accessed on 7 May 2021,
(Cuartel de la Policía de Investigaciones de Iquique
Cuartel de la Policia de Investigaciones de Iquique, (Google Maps, accessed on 7 May 2021, (Cuartel de la Policía de Investigaciones de Iquique
In late April 2021, several civil society organisations denounced the alleged mistreatment of migrants who had been detained by police in the towns of Arica and Iquique. The Jesuit Migrant Service (Servicio Jesuita a Migrantes or SJM) filed legal appeals claiming that there had been “irregularities” in their treatment, including: improper body searches; lack of access to lawyers representing the detainees at police stations; and people held for more than 24 hours, beyond the legal limit. The SJM country director pointed to “the new Migration Law (Ley de Migracion y Extranjeria) ... that allows those who arrived irregularly into Chile, to leave and request a visa abroad without being sanctioned.” Ureta stated that it does not make sense that while the law provides this possibility, many people are being expelled without giving them the opportunity to engage this process.

The Asamblea Abierta de Migrantes y Promigrantes de Tarapacá, another migrant rights advocacy organisation in Chile, stated that certain expulsion orders were given to migrants that were in health centres in preventive quarantine. The organisation’s spokesperson, Lorena Zambrano, said that “the persons who have been notified and detained, are persons that have been in health centres. Most of them are Venezuelan nationals, but there are also persons from other countries.” Zambrano said that the new Migration Law, which allows persons who have entered the country irregularly to voluntarily leave the country within 180 days of the publication of the new law (20 April 2021) without a penalty, was not being respected.

The National Human Rights Institution of Tarapacá (NHRI, Instituto Nacional de Derechos Humanos Tarapacá) said that approximately 50 people had been notified of their expulsion and detained.

In Arica, 32 people, including children, were detained on 23 April 2021. Nonetheless, the appeal filed by the SJM was accepted by the Appeal Court, who ordered the “immediate release” of the detained migrants and also suspended their expulsion orders.

04 May 2021


Rohingya Refugees Along with their Luggage outside a Mosque in Jammu, Kashmir (J. Singh, EPA,
Rohingya Refugees Along with their Luggage outside a Mosque in Jammu, Kashmir (J. Singh, EPA, "India Detains Rohingya Refugees and Threatens to Deport them to Myanmar," The Guardian, 8 March 2021,
As a second wave of COVID-19 has swept across India, infection and death rates have skyrocketed across the country. On 1 May, some 392,488 new cases were reported--the largest one-day increase on record for any country--as well as 3,689 deaths, although observers suggest that real figures may be significantly higher.

Despite COVID rates surging since March, authorities have continued to arrest and detain non-nationals. In early March, an estimated 170 Rohingya refugees were detained in the city of Jammu (Kashmir), after police conducted raids in camps and summoned others to a “verification” exercise. Placed in a “holding centre” in Hiranagar (the Hiranagar Jail, which was reportedly converted into an immigration detention facility that same month), the group were subsequently informed of plans to deport them to Myanmar. Despite several Rohingya refugees challenging the deportation order, on 8 April the Supreme Court rejected an application to stay the deportation of the group, even as violent unrest in Myanmar surged following the 1 February coup. During the hearing, the Chief Justice of India (CJI) commented, “Possibly that is the fear that if they go back to Myanmar, they will be slaughtered. But we cannot control all that. . . We are not called upon to condemn or condone genocide.” The court also accepted the government’s claim that Rohingya refugees constitute a threat to internal security, while also failing to consider the applicability of non-refoulement. Members of the Rohingya community have called the decision a “death warrant.” (To-date, the GDP has been unable to confirm whether the planned deportation has been conducted.)

This case is part of a wider set of restrictions targeting Muslim communities in India since the Modi government came to power in 2014. In 2017, local BJP leaders in Jammu launched a campaign demanding the expulsion of all Rohingya from the region. In West Bengal, where elections are currently being held, the BJP has vowed to deport all Rohingya if the party wins.

Elsewhere in Assam, authorities have been detaining purported “illegal foreigners” (largely Bengali-speaking Muslims) in six detention centres. As previously reported on this platform, in April 2020 the country’s supreme court called for the release of people who had been detained for more than two years--and if they were able to produce two sureties worth 5000 rupees (approximately 53.33 GBP). However, as one observer commented, the court’s decision was not influenced by the dangers posed by COVID to detained populations, “Instead the reasoning implicitly belies the punitive motivation behind detention, by basing release on the amount of time ‘served’.”

28 April 2021

Cape Verde

Military Personnel Carry Ballot Boxes and Voting Equipment to a Polling Station in Praia on 17 April 2021, (AFP, TRT World,
Military Personnel Carry Ballot Boxes and Voting Equipment to a Polling Station in Praia on 17 April 2021, (AFP, TRT World, "Voters go to Polls in Cape Verde to Elect New Government," 18 April 2021,
The Republic of Cabo Verde is an island country in the central Atlantic Ocean with a population of approximately 550,000 people. Following the confirmation of the first COVID-19 case in the country on 20 March 2020, a state of emergency was declared and a series of measures were implemented including the suspension of all incoming flights. Certain measures had been eased by early 2021, although people arriving in Cabo Verde must provide proof of a negative COVID-19 test taken no more than 72 hours before travel. As of 27 April 2021, the country had recorded 22,586 cases of COVID-19 and 208 related deaths.

The GDP has been unable to establish the extent to which detention facilities are used in Cabo Verde as part of immigration enforcement procedures or to obtain details on COVID-19 related measures that may have been taken to safeguard people in immigration or criminal custody, or those in international protection situations. According to UNHCR, during 2020, the country reported no refugees or asylum cases, although there were 115 stateless persons.

The UN Committee against Torture, in its concluding observations from its 2017 review of Cabo Verde, noted with concern that “neither the Constitution nor Law No. 99/V/99 on the legal regime of asylum and refugee status include the risk of being subjected to torture in the country of destination as a reason for granting protection. Furthermore, the Committee expresses concern at the absence of an institutional framework for an asylum determination procedure.… While noting that asylum seekers would have a right to judicial review in accordance with Legislative Decree No. 6/97, the Committee regrets that they would not be protected against refoulement during the judicial review process, since the review would not have suspensive effect on an expulsion order.” In consequence, the Committee recommended that the State party “(a) Adopt the necessary legislative measures to explicitly incorporate into its legislation regulating and expulsion of undocumented migrants the principle of non-refoulement set out in Article 3 of the Convention; (b) Promptly establish a national asylum determination procedure that carries out a thorough assessment of the merits of each individual case and a medical and psychological examination when indications of torture or traumatization have been detected among applicants; (c) Set up an asylum registration and screening process at the borders to identify as early as possible victims of torture and trafficking and provide them with immediate rehabilitation and priority access to the asylum determination procedure;” and “(d) Provide for an effective judicial remedy with automatic suspensive effect on the deportation orders of asylum seekers and other undocumented immigrants.”

In 2015, the UN Committee on Migrant Workers recommended that “the State party promote alternatives to detention for migrant workers and members of their families” and “that the State party provide detailed information in the number of migrants arrested, detained and expelled for immigration-related infractions, as well as the reasons for the detention and expulsion of these migrant workers.” Moreover, it recommended that Cabo Verde “repeal all provisions of Decree Law No. 6/97 of May 1997 which are in violation of the Convention.”

In its 2018 state report to the Committee on Migrant Workers, the country stated it had repealed the Legislative Decree No. 6/97 and replaced it with the Law on the entry, stay, exit and removal of foreign nationals from the Cabo Verde (RJE). The country indicated that following the entry into force of the RJE, a process of “extraordinary regularization of irregular citizens in the national territory was conducted in 2015, during which 1,058 citizens were regularized (888 males and 170 females).” Furthermore, according to the state report, “there are no records of migrant children detained in the country and there are no practices of detention of children due to irregular immigration.” In addition, the country reported that “although Law No. 106/V/99, of August 2, foresees the establishment of Temporary Installation Centres for foreign nationals, the establishment of such facilities has not been necessary considering that Cabo Verde does not implement institutional practices towards the detention of persons in irregular migration: alternative measures to detention have been preferred, such as the notification for regularization or voluntary abandonment of the national territory within 10 to 20 days, period which may be extended in cases of children attending school, the presence of other family members and social ties (Article 79 of the RJE).” Cabo Verde also stated that in cases where the return of a person to their country of origin due to prohibited entry of that person, they may be held in a hotel unit or other “decent” facility.

The country received numerous relevant recommendations during its review for the third cycle of the UN Universal Periodic Review (UPR) in 2018, including: “ratify the Convention relating to the Status of Refugees (Democratic Republic of the Congo) (para. 112.7)” and “consider enhancing coordination between institutions and services that deal with migration-related issues to aid in the effective implementation of rights under the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families (Ghana) (para. 112.156).”

In May 2020, the country’s National Human Rights Commission recommended the early release of prisoners in order to decongest prisons and avoid a spread of COVID-19. On 20 August 2020, the Ministry of Health revealed that they had identified 25 COVID-19 cases in the Praia jail.

23 April 2021


J. Kestler-D’Amours, “Immigration Detainees Are on a Hunger Strike Over Coronavirus Fears,” Vice, 26 March 2020,
J. Kestler-D’Amours, “Immigration Detainees Are on a Hunger Strike Over Coronavirus Fears,” Vice, 26 March 2020,
[From the GDP’s April 2021 Canada Report]

As previously reported on this platform, calls for releasing people in prisons and other Canadian detention settings began soon after the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic. In mid-March, immigration detainees submitted an open letter to Canada’s Public Safety Minister demanding their release—pointing to the close quarters where they were held, the lack of medical checks for newly arriving detainees, and the frequent comings and goings of guards Shortly thereafter, detainees at the Laval IHC launched a hunger strike to highlight their fears that conditions in the facility would lead to a “coronavirus disaster. In April 2020, a large outbreak of COVID-19 at a medium security federal correctional facility in British Columbia highlighted the acute risks posed by the virus to people in detention settings.

According to data provided by the Canada Border Services Agency (CBSA), by 19 April the number of immigration detainees had been reduced by more than a half. Having recorded 353 foreign nationals in provincial jails and dedicated holding centres on 17 March, by 19 April the number of detainees had decreased to 147—117 of whom were being held in provincial jails. By November 2020, 138 persons remained in detention. Although this decrease was not the result of a general release policy (detainees were instead released following individualised detention review hearings), reports indicate that the threat of exposure to COVID-19 was factored into release decisions. In an analysis of 17 release decisions between mid-March and mid-May 2020 in Ontario and British Columbia, researchers Arbel and Joeck found that the Immigration Division of the Immigration and Refugee Board “recognized COVID-19 as a condition of detention relevant to the release analysis in sixteen cases. In eleven cases, the ID ordered release, at least in part on the basis of COVID-19.”

Despite a temporary halt in deportations, released detainees were kept within deportation procedures, in the form of “alternatives to detention” (ATD) programmes. In particular, a number of people released from detention were required to wear electronic ankle monitors. This was described as a “temporary measure guiding the use of detention and the consideration of alternatives to detention” by the CBSA. In May 2020, the agency reported that the Electronic Monitoring Program was being employed in the Greater Toronto Area and Quebec regions. Observers quickly condemned the programme: Montreal-based NGO Solidarity Across Borders said that it represented an “enormous expansion” in surveillance that would “never stand in any other context.”

Some people who remained in immigration detention centres, meanwhile, expressed frustrations and fears for their safety. In March 2021 it was reported that seven detainees had launched a hunger strike at Laval IHC to protest conditions, amidst reports from community advocates that detainees in the facility had contracted the virus. While the CBSA reports that detainees who test positive are placed in solitary confinement, Solidarity Beyond Borders claimed that CBSA was holding all male detainees in solitary confinement (or “segregation”) as a virus containment measure. A detainee at the facility told The Concordian that cleaning in some parts of the facility was little more than a wipe using a rag, that staff repeatedly took off their masks, and that in the washrooms “blood is smeared on the door from the inside, and mould grows on the shower curtains.”

On 12 August 2020, the CBSA reported that there had been ten confirmed cases of COVID-19 within immigration holding centres (IHCs). Although it did not clarify whether any immigration detainees in provincial facilities had contracted the virus, the CBSA noted that it “continues to work collaboratively with its provincial partners on measures aimed at ensuring the safety and security of CBSA detainees who are being detained in provincial facilities.”

In correspondence with the GDP about whether COVID-related measures had been taken to safeguard immigration detainees in provincial prisons, the Office of the Correctional Investigator was unable to provide any details, stating that to get information about the treatment of immigration detainees in provincial prisons, it is necessary to request the information from “relevant provincial correctional authorities and/or from the provincial ombudsmen.” An immigration lawyer in Canada told the GDP, “There is no publicly available information that would suggest special measures have been instituted for immigration detainees held in provincial jails.” She added that “once immigration detainees are transferred to provincial jails, they come under the jurisdiction of the jails and are generally treated like other inmates in those facilities.”

Having initially stated that asylum seekers entering the country would be required to quarantine upon entry, on 20 March authorities shifted their stance and announced that “a foreign national is prohibited from entering Canada from the United States for the purpose of making a claim for refugee protection.”Several reports indicated that people attempting to seek asylum in Canada were returned to the United States, where they were arrested by US Immigration and Customs Enforcement and placed in removal proceedings. Amnesty International responded to these developments, saying in a statement, “Canadian government measures relating to the COVID-19 pandemic must respect human rights standards and obligations under Canadian law, as well as treaties to protect refugee claimants, allowing anyone who enters Canada, whether or not at an official port of entry, to apply for refugee protection.”

Although deportations were temporarily halted in March 2020, they were resumed on 30 November 2020—despite the dangers that removals continued to pose amidst the ongoing pandemic (at the time that they were resumed, Canada was in the midst of a deadly second wave). According to a Reuters report, CBSA data seen by its journalists reveal that during 2020, 12,122 people were removed from the country—the highest number since 2015. (According to the CBSA, these numbers were high because they included people who decided to leave on their own accord.)

One particular case that attracted widespread criticism was that of Ebrahim Touré, who had previously spent five and a half years in detention until his release on bail in 2018. In November 2020 he was temporarily re-detained and informed of his pending deportation, facilitated by the use of—what transpired to be—a fraudulent passport and birth certificate obtained by a CBSA officer. However, following an investigation in Gambia, Gambian authorities confirmed that the passport had been fraudulently issued—prompting the CBSA to pause his deportation until an investigation into the issue had been concluded.

22 April 2021

United Kingdom

The Guardian, “MPs and Peers Urge Priti Patel to Shut Napier Barracks Asylum Site,” 17 April 2021,
The Guardian, “MPs and Peers Urge Priti Patel to Shut Napier Barracks Asylum Site,” 17 April 2021,
Cross-party parliamentarians have urged UK Home Secretary Priti Patel to cease the use of former military barracks for confining asylum seekers. In a letter to the Home Secretary, members of the All Party Parliamentary Group (APPG) on Immigration Detention wrote: “We do not believe such sites provide the safe, stable accommodation that people seeking asylum – many of whom have histories of torture, trafficking and other serious trauma – need in order to recover and rebuild their lives.” (Although authorities have now closed Penally Camp in Wales, they are continuing to employ Napier Barracks--a facility that was the site of a large COVID-19 outbreak earlier this year. See 4 February 2021 update on this platform.)

In early March, the Independent Inspector of Borders and Immigration and the Inspection Team Leader at HM Inspectorate of Prisons published their initial findings following site visits to both Napier and Penally. In their report, the inspectors highlighted serious concerns, including the lack of COVID security in accommodation (given large communal sleeping areas); poor fire safety; the presence of inexperienced managers lacking the necessary skills to run such facilities; and isolation blocks deemed unfit for habitation. In a survey conducted by the inspectors, a third of respondents among detainees as Napier reported having felt suicidal, and at Penally the vast majority reported that they did not feel they were being kept safe from the risk of infection.

Meanwhile, as UK authorities race to vaccinate the country’s population, some have warned that migrants’ fear of deportation may be stopping many from accessing the vaccine. Although government guidelines state that non-nationals--including undocumented migrants--can access the vaccine free of charge, numerous reports have suggested that undocumented migrants are afraid to register with a GP to access the vaccination out of fear that their data will be shared with the Home Office. In a letter to the UK’s Vaccine Minister, Labour MP Sarah Owen and Conservative Peer Lord Sheikh asked how the government planned on reaching those who might be reluctant to access the vaccine. They added: “We are deeply concerned that the large numbers of people who are undocumented will be highly vulnerable and disproportionately impacted by Covid-19, while also being some of the most hesitant to reach out to receive their vaccine.” In February, over 140 NGOs, faith groups, local authorities, and medical organisations urged authorities to establish a firewall between medical bodies and immigration authorities.

15 April 2021


Human Rights Watch, “Burundi: Free Forcibly Returned Refugees,” 8 March 2021,
Human Rights Watch, “Burundi: Free Forcibly Returned Refugees,” 8 March 2021,
Since 2015, when deadly clashes were witnessed surrounding Burundi’s presidential election, large numbers of Burundians have fled the country. Today, some 150,000 are estimated to be living in neighbouring Tanzania. Burundian authorities have repeatedly spoken of the need for refugees to return from exile, and in recent years reports have emerged highlighting instances in which Burundians have been abducted, tortured, arbitrarily detained, and forcibly returned to Burundi by Tanzanian authorities--reportedly with the assistance from Burundi. On 13 April 2021, UN experts--including members of the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention and the Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances--criticised the Burundian authorities’ involvement in these rights abuses. (For more information on these reports, see 14 April Tanzania update on this platform).

At least eight Burundians forcibly returned are known to have been detained without charge in Bubanza Prison and Muramvya Prison. Despite calls to release the detainees, on 26 February 2021 the Muha High Court in Bujumbura ruled against their provisional release--despite the fact that the prosecution had failed to produce any evidence to justify their continued detention.

Conditions in these prisons--and others in the country--are known to be extremely poor. In April 2020, the UN Commission of Enquiry on Burundi reported that prisons were severely overcrowded, and that detainees faced restricted access to medical care, food, and hygiene supplies, raising concerns for the safety of detainees amidst the pandemic. (In May 2020, Muramvya Prison--which has capacity for 100 detainees--was confining 866.)

14 April 2021


Foreign Policy, “Kicking Refugees Out Makes Everyone Less Safe,” 18 February 2021,
Foreign Policy, “Kicking Refugees Out Makes Everyone Less Safe,” 18 February 2021,
In a statement released on 13 April, UN experts--including members of the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention and the Special Rapporteur on Torture--called on the Tanzanian and Burundian governments to respect the rights of Burundian refugees and asylum seekers in Tanzania.

Tanzania currently hosts an estimated 150,000 Burundian refugees, the majority of whom fled the country following deadly clashes surrounding Burundi’s 2015 presidential election. Authorities impose a strict encampment policy, and most refugees live in three refugee camps located in the north-west’s Kigoma region--Nyarugusu, Mtendeli, and Nduta. They are prohibited from leaving these camps to work or to access schools.

In recent years, reports have highlighted repeated intimidations and severe abuses of Burundian refugees by Tanzanian authorities (often in cooperation with Burundian authorities), including abductions and disappearances, torture, arbitrary detention, and forced returns. In late August 2019, Tanzanian and Burundian authorities announced that all Burundian refugees would be returned, and in September 2019 Amnesty International reported having seen a confidential document signed by Tanzania’s Minister of Home Affairs and Burundi’s Minister of Interior agreeing to conduct returns with or without the refugee’s consent.

"In addition to the strict encampment policy imposed on them by the Government of Tanzania, Burundian refugees and asylum-seekers now live in fear of being abducted in the middle of the night by Tanzanian security forces and taken to an unknown location or being forcefully returned to Burundi," write the UN experts. The group cite reports alleging that Burundian political opponents have been tracked among the refugee population by undercover Burundian intelligence agents, and later apprehended by Tanzanian authorities.

According to Human Rights Watch (HRW), between October 2019 and August 2020, at least 11 Burundians were arbitrarily detained for up to several weeks in “abysmal conditions” in a police station in Kibondo. “The Burundians said that Tanzanian police detained them in rooms with no electricity or windows, took them to a separate building on the police station grounds, and hanged them from the ceiling by their handcuffs. Some said that police and intelligence agents gave them electric shocks, rubbed their faces and genitals with chili, and beat and whipped them. In some cases, police and intelligence officers told them they had received information from Burundian authorities about them, suggesting collusion between agents from the two countries.” According to HRW, three were released in Tanzania, while the remaining eight were forcibly returned to Burundi where they were immediately detained in Muramvya and Bubanza prisons without charge.

More recently, in February 2021 UNHCR reported its concerns following a series of distressed messages from Burundian asylum seekers held in a detention facility in Mutukula. According to the rights agency, the refugees had expressed fears for their safety should they be returned to Burundi. To-date, the GDP has not been able to ascertain further information regarding the exact location of--or conditions in--this detention centre.

13 April 2021

Saint Vincent and the Grenadines

Sanitation Supplies Donated by CARICOM IMPACS  to the St. Vincent and the Grenadines Prison Service, (Searchlight,
Sanitation Supplies Donated by CARICOM IMPACS to the St. Vincent and the Grenadines Prison Service, (Searchlight, "CARICOM IMPACS Donates Sanitation Supplies to Prisons," 29 May 2020,
Saint Vincent and the Grenadines is an island country in the Carribean with a population of around 110,000 people. Following confirmation of COVID-19 cases in March 2020, the country implemented international travel restrictions including requiring arriving passengers from high-risk countries to present a negative COVID-19 PCR test upon arrival and quarantine at a government-approved facility. In January 2021, the country’s prime minister rejected calls for imposing curfew restrictions, a state of emergency, or any lockdown measures in response to the pandemic. As of 12 April 2021, the country had recorded 1,792 cases of COVID-19 and 10 related deaths.

On 9 April 2021, the La Soufrière volcano erupted, forcing more than 16,000 people to evacuate their homes.

The GDP has been unable to establish the extent to which detention facilities are used in Saint-Vincent and the Grenadines as part of immigration enforcement procedures or to obtain details on COVID-19 related measures taken to safeguard people in immigration or criminal custody, or those in international protection situations.

According to UNHCR, in 2019 and in 2020, there were no refugees or asylum seekers in the country, but there were 38 displaced Venezuelan nationals. The country has ratified several relevant human rights treaties, including the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families and the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. However, at the time of this report, the country had yet to submit its first state report to many treaty bodies, including the Committee on Migrant Workers.

In its concluding observations in 2018, the Committee on Migrant Workers said it was concerned over “the lack of information regarding due process guarantees for migrant workers (...) in criminal and administrative proceedings, including detention and expulsion. It is also concerned that the Immigration (Restriction) Act, which was amended in 2017, criminalises irregular entry into the State party.” The committee recommended that Saint Vincent and the Grenadines “(a) Ensure that in administrative and judicial proceedings, including detention and expulsion proceedings, migrant workers and members of their families, particularly those in an irregular situation, are guaranteed due process on an equal basis with nationals of the State party before the courts and tribunals; (b) Decriminalise irregular entry and ensure that the minimum guarantees enshrined in the Convention are assured with regard to administrative and judicial procedures against migrant workers and members of their families, in line with Articles 16 and 17 of the Convention.”

The country received numerous relevant recommendations during its review for the second cycle of the UN Universal Periodic Review (UPR) in 2016, including: “harmonise its national legislation with international human rights standards (Morocco) (para. 80.29)” and “take immediate steps to bring conditions at all detention facilities, including Her Majesty’s Prison and Fort Charlotte Prison, into line with the United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners (Canada) (para. 80.87).” Additionally, UNHCR recommended that the country “(b) Take measures to ensure the early identification of persons in need of international protection and facilitate their access to asylum procedures, including persons in detention, through further training and sensitisation of immigration officers; (c) seek alternatives to detention of asylum-seekers.”

As of 29 May 2020, there had been no reported COVID-19 cases at Saint Vincent and the Grenadines’ prisons. On 20 May 2020, the Carribean Community (CARICOM) donated basic sanitation supplies to the country’s prison system to help minimise the risk of infection and transmission of COVID-19 in prisons. These products included infrared thermometers, cleaning products and hand sanitisers.

11 April 2021

Antigua and Barbuda

Prison Officer Protesting in Antigua and Barbuda, (Dominican News Online,
Prison Officer Protesting in Antigua and Barbuda, (Dominican News Online, "Prison Officers in Antigua and Barbuda Protest Over Concerns Made Worse By COVID-19," 22 March 2021,
Antigua and Barbuda is a Caribbean archipelago with a population of approximately 100,000 that relies heavily on tourism. After its initial COVID-19 cases were detected in March 2020, the government declared a two-week state of emergency, established a nightly curfew (8PM to 6AM), and shut all non-essential services and businesses. In June 2020, the country reopened its national borders, with arriving passengers having to present a valid medical certificate stating a negative COVID-19 test result within the previous 48 hours. In March 2021, the government started loosening other restrictions, including curfews. As of 9 April 2021, the country had recorded 1,180 cases of COVID-19 and 29 related deaths. On 8 April 2021, the country received 24,000 doses of COVID-19 vaccines, through the COVAX Facility.

The country has ratified several human rights treaties, including the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment and the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. However, at the time of this report, the country had not yet ratified the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families and the Optional Protocol to the Convention against Torture.

In its concluding observations in 2017, the Committee against Torture (CAT) expressed concern about the country’s practice of detaining migrants and asylum seekers and the lack of information about migrants detained at the detention and removal centre at St. John’s police station. The committee recommended that the “State party should refrain from detaining refugees, asylum seekers and undocumented migrants for prolonged periods, especially when they are not charged with any offence under the law; use detention only as a measure of last resort and for as short a period as possible; and promote alternatives to detention.”

Also in 2017, the Committee on the Rights of the Child (CRC) said that while the country had established an ad hoc committee to deal with asylum, it remained concerned about the absence of legislation or a specific regulation governing asylum procedures, leaving refugee children vulnerable to trafficking for the purpose of sexual exploitation. The committee recommended that “the State party accede to the 1961 Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness and establish referral mechanisms to ensure the proper identification and protection of victims of trafficking, especially unaccompanied children, and to provide victims of trafficking, including children, an effective opportunity to seek asylum.”

During its review for the second cycle of the UN Universal Periodic Review (UPR), Antigua and Barbuda received numerous recommendations, including: to “establish a formal procedure to identify victims of trafficking, search for alternatives to the detention of the victims, and transfer them to the necessary services, including, when pertinent, the asylum procedure (Mexico) (para. 76.29)” and “consider acceding to all core United Nations human rights instruments, including the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families (Indonesia) (para. 77.5).” In its submission for Antigua and Barbuda’s review for the second cycle of the UPR, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) encouraged the government “to pursue alternatives to detention for migration management, to ensure that any restriction on migrants’ freedom of movement is applied only under those circumstances where it is necessary, reasonable, and proportionate to the legitimate purpose achieved and justified by international law, and that any detention of migrants is neither arbitrary nor indefinite.”

Prison conditions are harsh due to inadequate sanitary conditions and overcrowding. The country’s only prison has a capacity of 150 people, but as of August 2020 it held 269. Overcrowding has created serious COVID-19 infection risks for the prisoners and the staff and the government reportedly failed to provide information regarding numbers of COVID-19 infections in the prison. On 22 March 2021, correctional officers staged a protest to highlight problems. Two weeks earlier, 34 prisoners tested positive for the virus two weeks prior to the protest and junior staff said they were being forced to work for more than 24 hours without the required protective gears while interacting with COVID-19 positive inmates.

10 April 2021

San Marino

Guaita Tower View, (TNT Magazine,
Guaita Tower View, (TNT Magazine, "San Marino's Only Prisoner Has a Private Library, Gym and TV Room," 26 April 2012,
The microstate San Marino, located in a mountainous region close to Italy’s Adriatic coast and with a population of some 35,000, only slowly responded to the COVID-19 pandemic. According to the International Organisation for Migration’s COVID-19 Travel Restriction Monitoring, San Marino did not implement travel restrictions until late 2020 and early 2021. As of 19 March 2021, entry into the country from areas outside of Italy and the Vatican City is subject to a negative PCR test or vaccine injection. Travels to and from orange and red zones in Italy are only allowed for work, health, and highly necessary reasons. There is also a night curfew and mask obligation in place.

The GDP has been unable to establish whether San Marino practices immigration-related detention. To date, the GDP has not identified any dedicated immigration removal facilities nor collected statistics related to immigration enforcement in the country. The country has not ratified the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees and its 1967 Protocol, but allows for extraordinary residence permits to be given for humanitarian protection needs, and to victims of violence and/or trafficking.

In January 2020, the country only had two people in prison. Most people convicted of crimes in the state and sentenced to prison terms serve their sentences in Italian prisons. The country released its two inmates by 15 April 2020, however this was reportedly not a preventative measure related to COVID-19.

09 April 2021


Osire Refugee Camp Entrance (Namibian Broadcasting Corporation,
Osire Refugee Camp Entrance (Namibian Broadcasting Corporation, "Mass COVID-19 Testing to be Carried Out at Osire Refugee Camp," 27 September 2020,
Namibia, located in southwestern Africa and with a population of approximately 2.5 million, had recorded 44,374 COVID-19 cases and 528 related deaths as of 1 April 2021. The country appeared to avoid severe outbreaks of infection during the early months of the pandemic. However, the number of cases has continued to surge since mid-2020. At the time of this report, the country was awaiting vaccine doses from the COVAX scheme; it had already received donations from China (Sinopharm) and India (Covishield).

Namibia lacks important legal protections for refugees and migrant workers, leading to criticism from several regional and international human rights bodies. In 2021, the African Commission on Human and People’s Rights, in a submission to the UN Human Rights Council’s Universal Periodic Review, recommended that the country improve its management of refugees and migrant workers.

In 2017, the Committee against Torture (CAT) recommended that Namibia repeal section 24 (1) of its Refugees (Recognition and Control) Act of 1999. Repealing that provision, according to CAT, would help bring Nambia in line with its obligations to prohibit refoulement when there is a risk of torture.

In 2016, the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination expressed concern over restrictions on the freedom of movement of asylum seekers and refugees in the Osire refugee settlement. The settlement has existed since 1992 and hosts thousands of refugees from neighbouring countries. The camp was placed in lockdown and underwent mass COVID testing in mid-September 2020, after a surge in cases and turmoil sparked by the death of a DRC asylum seeker who had passed away due to COVID-19.

According to Namibian law, the Minister of Home Affairs may restrict the freedom of movement of recognised refugees, applicants, and their families. Recognised refugees and protected persons can also be arrested, detained, and deported if “it is in the interests of the sovereignty and integrity of Namibia, national security, public order, decency or morality” (Section 24.1, Namibia Refugee Act 2). The Namibian government reportedly frequently detains migrants entering the country irregularly. In 2019, Namibia imprisoned 286 foreign citizens from Zambia, Angola, Zimbabwe, South Africa, Tanzania, and other countries. Many of these were imprisoned on immigration offenses, including 41 Zambians. More recently, in October 2020, 53 people (30 of whom were children) from DRC and Burundi were detained at the Katima Mulilo police station. According to one account, the “threat for detention increases for those seeking refugee status and asylum protection in Namibia” in the absence of “clear policies on refugee rights and access to information” (New Era, 27.11.2020).

In March 2021, some 900 Angolans crossed into Namibia without authorization driven by drought-related food and water shortages. Although the migrants do not appear to have been arrested or detained, they were only provided with open-air shelter that lacked sanitation. Conditions in jails and other places of detention have been described as poor, especially in pretrial holding cells, which are often overcrowded, have poor sanitation, lack medical provisions, and have frequent tuberculosis outbreaks (U.S. Department of State 2019).

The GDP was unable to establish whether parts of the prisoner population were released in relation to the COVID-19 pandemic. However, new admissions were halted at some correctional facilities, such as Oluno. In order to combat the spread of the pandemic within correctional facilities, authorities made attempts to improve access to sanitary and hygiene items and services, increase awareness on the need of these practices, implement risk assessment and prevention schemes, prepared isolation stations, and introduced a specialised task force to monitor psychosocial well-being of isolated/quarantined detainees. The UN also helped to establish a soap production facility run by inmates at the Windhoek Facility. By November 2020, national media reported that correctional facilities were nearly cleared of infections, after 1,985 inmates and 610 officials were tested. In total, there had been around 600 positive cases in facilities all over the country.

07 April 2021


M. Konaté, “Dans la Prison Centrale Surpeuplée de Bamako, La Menace Inquiétante du COVID-19,” Carnetdusud, 8 May 2020,
M. Konaté, “Dans la Prison Centrale Surpeuplée de Bamako, La Menace Inquiétante du COVID-19,” Carnetdusud, 8 May 2020,
The Republic of Mali is a landlocked country in West Africa with a population of more than 19 million people. Following the confirmation of the two first COVID-19 cases in the country in March 2020, the country was placed under a state of emergency and a curfew was imposed. On 18 March 2020, the government suspended flights from affected countries, closed schools, and banned large public gatherings. As of 6 April 2021, the country had recorded 10,620 cases of COVID-19 and 393 related deaths.

According to UNHCR, as of February 2021, there were 47,581 refugees, 974 asylum seekers, and nearly 350,000 internally displaced people in the country. UNICEF reports that it has provided hygiene promotion materials that have been used in 315 health care facilities, 633 schools, and benefitting 70,659 households. The country ordered 9.4 million doses of the AstraZeneca vaccine to vaccinate 4.2 million people, around 20 percent of the population, and received its first batch of 396,000 doses on 6 March 2021.

In December 2020, UNHCR reported that conflict, insecurity, COVID-19, and deteriorating economic conditions were leading to a rise in trafficking of children, forced labour, and forced recruitment by armed groups in Mali. With schools closed, children are increasingly susceptible to being pushed to work in gold mines, particularly in Gao and Kidal. UNHCR’s Assistant High Commissioner for Protection said that “as a result of conflict and socio-economic deterioration worsened by the pandemic, we are seeing some of the most egregious human rights violations in the Sahel. … Children are being forced to fight by armed groups, trafficked, raped, sold, forced into sexual or domestic servitude, or married off.”

The GDP has been unable to establish the extent to which detention facilities are used in Mali as part of immigration enforcement procedures or to obtain details on COVID-19 related measures taken to safeguard people in immigration or criminal custody, or those in international protection situations.

According to Article 20 of Law 04-058 of 25 November 2004, relating to the conditions of entry, stay and establishment of foreigners (Loi n°04-058 du 25 Novembre 2004 relative aux conditions d’entrée, de séjour et d’établissement des étrangers), non-citizens without a relevant authorisation or that stay after the expiration of their authorisation, may be sentenced to imprisonment from 3 months to 3 years and given a fine of 200,000 to 500,000 CFA francs. Non-citizens expelled from the country are also handed a re-entry ban and according to Article 22, non-citizens that return during their ban may be imprisoned for three years and be given a fine of 500,000 to 1,000,000 CFA francs.

The country has ratified several human rights treaties, including the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families (ICMW) and the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT). In its concluding observations in 2014, the Committee on Migrant Workers (CMW) noted the Malian delegation’s comments that migrant workers are very rarely detained for violating migration legislation, but nonetheless remained concerned by the lack of statistics produced by the country. In consequence, the Committee on Migrant Workers recommended that Mali “(a) Indicate in its next periodic report the number of migrants, disaggregated by sex, nationality, and/or origin, who are currently being detained for having violated the legislation on migration, specifying the location, average duration and conditions of detention, and providing information on the decisions taken regarding such migrants; (b) Consider decriminalising irregular migration and envisaging appropriate administrative penalties for migrants who have violated the legislation on immigration (...); (c) Detain migrant workers for immigration offences only in exceptional circumstances, as a last resort, and ensure in all cases that they are held separately from ordinary prisoners and that women are held separately from men and minors from adults.”

During its review for the third cycle of the UN Universal Periodic Review, Mali received several human rights recommendations including: adopting “all measures necessary to ensure the right to education in emergencies and conflict situations, and ensure that education is available to all, in particular migrants, refugees and asylum-seeking children (Honduras) (para. 114.81)”, “adopt concrete measures in favour of migrants and asylum seekers (Haiti) (para. 114.131),” and “improve conditions in detention centres (Zambia) (para. 114.54).”

As regards the country’s prison facilities, in April 2020, the country’s president pardoned 1,200 prisoners in a bid to decongest overcrowded prisons and avoid an outbreak of COVID-19. The Bamako prison for instance, has a capacity of 400 places, and yet holds more than 2,400 prisoners. A further 400 prisoners were pardoned by the President on 20 May 2020. To fight the spread of the virus within the country’s prisons, the International Committee of the Red Cross delivered 10 tons of hygiene and sanitary products and installed 48 hand washing facilities in 11 prisons for 5,400 prisoners. In May 2020, a visitor that entered Bamako prison said that guards were not wearing masks, in direct contradiction of the administration’s instructions, and stated that hygiene products were missing.

30 March 2021


Pindula News, “110 Inmates at Mutimurefu Prison Contract Coronavirus,” 27 January 2021,
Pindula News, “110 Inmates at Mutimurefu Prison Contract Coronavirus,” 27 January 2021,
Zimbabwe, which has a population of approximately 14 million, had recorded 36,822 cases of COVID-19 and 1,520 related deaths as of 29 March 2021. Although there have been reports indicating the use of immigration detention measures for many years in Zimbabwe, in particular for migrants en route to South Africa, the Global Detention Project has not found any information concerning measures taken by the government to prevent the spread of infection amongst people in immigration custody since the onset of the pandemic.

According to UNHCR, in 2020, there were 9,115 refugees, 11,760 asylum seekers, and 270,000 internally displaced persons in Zimbabwe. As part of its COVID-19 response in the country, UNHCR has helped install hand-washing stations in the Tongogara refugee camp and supported more than 1,200 children and young people with home-based learning.

The country has ratified several human rights treaties, including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the Convention on the Rights of the Child, and the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. However, at the time of writing, the country had not yet ratified other important human rights treaties, including the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment and the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families.

During its review for the second cycle of the UN Universal Periodic Review, Zimbabwe received several relevant recommendations, including: to “improve detention conditions in prisons and in police holding cells (Burundi) (para. 131.75)” and “ratify other human rights conventions, particularly the Convention against Torture and the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families (Congo) (para. 132.2).”

Zimbabwe’s prisons are notorious for being unsanitary, overcrowded, and lacking basic amenities like running water in cells. In March 2020, the government acknowledged that Zimbabwe’s prisons, with a capacity of 17,000 had a population of 22,000 people. In consequence, between March and June 2020, the government released 4,208 prisoners under presidential amnesty order. Yet, according to Human Rights Watch (HRW), far too many remained behind bars to allow for social distancing. Lawyers who had visited prisons in Harare in July 2020 told HRW that while masks were being provided, inmates and certain guards did not use them partly due to the lack of information on protective measures against COVID-19.

In October 2020, the Zimbabwean Human Rights NGO Forum and a former prisoner lodged a High Court application seeking to compel the country’s finance minister, Mthuli Ncube, to release funds for prison facilities. The claimants argued that the Zimbabwe Prisons and Correctional Services (ZPCS) failed to comply with basic COVID-19 regulations such as the provision of facemasks, hand sanitisers and social distancing and requested that the state provides water, food, vehicles, COVID-19 tests, and medical supplies. On 2 December 2020, the High Court ordered the government to ensure that every inmate at the Chikurubi Prison gets 60 litres of water daily and ordered the finance minister to release funds for supplementary water and food supply. The Court also ordered the country’s prison authority to separate healthy inmates from those who are ill and to provide essential medicines.

On 27 January 2021, 110 detainees tested positive to COVID-19 at the Mutimurefu prison, one of the most overpopulated in the country. Two weeks prior, a senior officer of the Chikurubi prison died from the virus and 15 guards in that prison tested positive for COVID-19.

29 March 2021

Marshall Islands

A quarantine centre in Majuro. Photo: Giff Johnson (RNZ,
A quarantine centre in Majuro. Photo: Giff Johnson (RNZ, "Marshalls Increases Repatriation Numbers, Readies Vaccine," 1 April 2021, )
The Marshall Islands, an archipelago in the Pacific Ocean located between Papua New Guinea and Hawaii, had recorded only four COVID-19 cases as of 17 March 2021. The country has also grappled with another infectious disease, dengue fever, having experienced three outbreaks since 2019. As of March 2021, two deaths and 3,884 cases of dengue-like illness were recorded, of which 1,987 have been lab-confirmed. An associated state of the United States, the Marshall Islands has benefited from US good ties by receiving enough vaccine doses to be able to vaccinate its entire adult population, who make up around 40-50 percent of its 70,000-80,000 inhabitants, no later than June 2021.

The Marshall Islands has experienced significant emigration, as approximately one third of the population has relocated to the United States. The IOM has argued that the labour migration from the islands to the United States is symptomatic of the increasing strain that climate change and environmental disasters are putting on local economies and livelihoods in the Pacific islands.

According to the U.S. Department of State, Marshall Islands prison conditions, government corruption, and domestic violence have constituted the main human rights challenges. Other human rights violations included lack of legal provisions protecting workers’ rights, child abuse, and sex trafficking. Foreign workers make up about a third of the workforce (excluding agroforestry). Prison conditions have been described as harsh and at times degrading — infrastructure at Majuro jail was lacking proper ventilation, lighting, and sanitation. Another jail in Ebeye has been described by observers as degrading for detainees due to its cramped cells.

The GDP has been unable to establish whether foreigners are detained in the Marshall Islands, for immigration-related reasons. According to the Immigration and Emigration (Amendment) Act of 1991, detention for up to 14 days may be ordered for anyone facing deportation measures. The country also has no asylum or refugee protection legislation or programmes in place.

24 March 2021


Dormitories inside Moroni prison © Faïza Soulé Youssouf (Mayotte la 1ere, “L'actualité régionale 16 Février,” 16 February 2021,
Dormitories inside Moroni prison © Faïza Soulé Youssouf (Mayotte la 1ere, “L'actualité régionale 16 Février,” 16 February 2021,
Comoros is a small country comprising a set of islands off the southeast coast of Africa, located between Madagascar to the east and Tanzania to the West. It also shares maritime borders with Mozambique, Seychelles, and the French overseas territory Mayotte. One of the smallest countries in the world, with an estimated population of less than 900,000, Comoros is nevertheless a source of asylum seekers and international migrants, including in Europe.

Comoros was one of the last countries to record a case of COVID-19, which occurred on 30 April 2020. It reportedly managed to restrict transmission during 2020 by banning international flights from March until September, shutting schools and mosques, and imposing strict curfews and mask obligations. By the end of December 2020, the country had recorded 823 cases and 10 related deaths. Observers have also pointed to poor testing measures and censorship as reasons for the country’s apparently low infection rates. In early April 2020, Reporters Without Borders condemned the prosecution of a local journalist who was reporting on the lack of testing of the first suspected cases on the island, as well as a government’s attempts at censoring independent information on COVID-19.

The situation dramatically worsened in early 2021 as cases rose to 2,834 by mid-March and 136 deaths were reported. The more recent wave has hit the island of Mohéli particularly hard, in part because of the spread of new COVID variants. The island is also isolated from the other islands and lacks medical infrastructure. This has spurred many residents to attempt to travel to neighbouring Mayotte in kwassas-kwassas (speedboats), which as the Global Detention Project has reported has high immigration detention rates (see the GDP’s France Country Report).

In the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic in March, the usual movements of irregular migrant workers from Comoros to Mayotte reportedly ground to a halt and led to large numbers of people returning to Comoros as workers were unable to find work in the French territory’s agriculture and fishing sectors due to restrictions. Fearing imported cases of COVID-19 from Mayotte, the Comorian authorities started intercepting kwassas-kwassas, detaining people onboard and placing them in quarantine.

Perhaps due to the strict border regime of Mayotte, asylum applications from Comoros nationals rose by 50 percent in Europe during 2020 compared to 2019.

In February 2021, officials announced that the population in the Comoros national prison in Moroni would be cut by 50 percent as a part of a COVID-19 mitigation effort. Photographs published in the media showed the prison’s dormitory packed with many men lying on a cell floor close together, revealing overcrowding in the prison, which housed 200 prisoners with a capacity of around 100. Criticism of prison conditions are long standing. These include reports of dirty, non-ventilated, mouldy and dark cells, infested with cockroaches and rats (F. Soulé Youssouf, 14.09.2020).

Allegations of ill-treatment also persist. In 2019 the UN Special Rapporteur on Torture was refused access to detention sites in Moroni and Anjouan and prevented from interviewing detainees.

The Global Detention Project has been unable to establish whether prisons are used to hold immigration detainees. In October 2014, 7.7 percent of the prison population was made up on foreign citizens for various unreported charges.

22 March 2021


Suriname Herald, “Suriname Closes Borders for Travelers from Midnight,” 13 March 2020,
Suriname Herald, “Suriname Closes Borders for Travelers from Midnight,” 13 March 2020,
Suriname, with an estimated population of approximately 590,000, is located on the northeastern Atlantic coast of South America and is the smallest country on the continent. The country faces a complex situation as a country of origin, transit, and destination for human trafficking and irregular migration. As of 22 March 2021, the country had recorded 9,066 cases and 176 COVID-19 deaths. Following the confirmation of the first COVID-19 case in Suriname on 13 March 2020, the country shut down its airports, limited social gatherings, and closed schools. A year later, borders remain closed, non-nationals may not enter the country--save in certain circumstances, arriving travellers must carry a negative PCR report carried out 120 hours before departure, and in addition to quarantine upon arrival, arriving travellers are tested and medically screened.

The GDP has been unable to establish the extent to which detention facilities are used in Suriname as part of immigration enforcement procedures or to obtain details on COVID-19 related measures taken to safeguard people in immigration or criminal custody, or those in international protection situations.

According to data from the UNHCR, in 2020 (mid-year data), there were 47 refugees in the country and 1,852 asylum-seekers, compared with 44 refugees and 1,426 asylum seekers in 2019. On 5 May 2020, the World Bank provided US$ 412,000 to Suriname in order for the country to purchase essential medical supplies for the country’s emergency response to COVID-19.

The country has ratified several human rights treaties, including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, and the Convention on the Rights of the Child. However, at the time of writing, the country had not yet ratified other important human rights treaties, including the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment and the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families.

During its review for the second cycle of the UN Universal Periodic Review, Suriname received several human rights recommendations, including: adopting “effective measures to ensure conditions of detention that respected the dignity of prisoners in particular the revised United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners (the Nelson Mandela Rules) (South Africa) (para 135.34),” and “ratify the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families (Honduras) (para. 135.15).”

17 March 2021


DW, “COVID-19: Presidente da Guiné-Bissau Renova Estado de Emergencia,” 26 April 2020,
DW, “COVID-19: Presidente da Guiné-Bissau Renova Estado de Emergencia,” 26 April 2020,
Guinea-Bissau, with an estimated population of some 1,800,000 people, is located in West Africa and shares borders with Senegal and Guinea. As of 16 March 2021, the country had recorded 3,447 cases and 52 COVID-19 deaths. On 28 March 2020, shortly after the first case was confirmed in the country, a state of emergency with night-time curfew was introduced and international flights were suspended. Certain measures have since been lifted and borders have been reopened with additional requirements for arriving passengers, including having proof of a negative PCR test.

The GDP has been unable to establish the extent to which detention facilities are used in Guinea-Bissau as part of immigration enforcement procedures or to obtain details on COVID-19 related measures taken to safeguard people in immigration or criminal custody, or those in international protection situations.

According to UNHCR, as of 28 February 2021, the country hosted 7,803 refugees and 38 asylum seekers. In December 2017, the government announced that it would naturalise 7,000 refugees in the country and in 2018, UNHCR began registering the refugees and working with a local contractor to produce and distribute ID cards and naturalisation and birth certificates. UNHCR’s chief of mission at the time said: “They were facing the risk of being stateless because of having no documents. It can be a lesson to others: how Guinea-Bissau managed to get rid of its caseload.” A major obstacle to naturalising refugees at that time was the large payment the government proposed per person--900,000 CFA (1,700 USD)--whcih was eventually reduced to to 150,000 CFA (270 USD).

The country has ratified several human rights treaties, including the Convention against Torture, the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, and the Convention the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families. However, at the time of this publication Guinea-Bissau had yet to submit its first state report to many treaty bodies. During its review for the third cycle of the UN Universal Periodic Review, Guinea-Bissau received several human rights recommendations, including: Improving “conditions of detention by overcoming prison overcrowding and improving sanitary conditions (France) (para. 119.50),” and appointing and empowering “a prison ombudsman to address complaints of inhumane treatment and poor conditions in prisons and detention centres (United States of America) (para. 119.51).”

As regards the country’s penitentiary system, according to the World Prison Brief, the country now has three prisons: Bafata, Mansoa, and a pre-trial detention centre in Bissau, with a capacity of 196 spaces. Guinea-Bissau used to have four jails, but they were destroyed during the 1998 civil war. In 2010, the UNODC and the country’s Ministry of Justice rehabilitated two prisons, which became the country’s first penitentiaries.

16 March 2021


M. MacGregor, “Yemen Detention Center Fire Highlights Dangers for Migrants,” InfoMigrants, 8 March 2021,
M. MacGregor, “Yemen Detention Center Fire Highlights Dangers for Migrants,” InfoMigrants, 8 March 2021,
Amidst an ongoing conflict that has led to hundreds of thousands of deaths and widespread famine, migrants and refugees in Yemen--most of whom are from Ethiopia or Somalia--continue to face detention and physical threats in the country, in part because of rumors that they are spreading COVID-19 (see the 4 August 202 update on this platform for more background). According to the IOM (27 July 2020), “the spread of COVID-19 has increased discriminatory attitudes and behaviours and further compromised migrants’ access to essential services such as food, water, shelter and health assistance. Additionally, migrants stranded in Yemen are facing increased detention and are being subjected to forced transfers across frontlines. IOM is concerned that COVID-19 restrictions are being instrumentalied to implement migrant encampment, detention and forced relocation agendas.” In December 2020, the IOM estimated that at least 6,000 migrants were detained in centres across Yemen.

Unable to cross Yemen’s northern border into Saudi Arabia, many migrants are returned to southern territories and subsequently held in detention facilities. These centres have then been targeted by armed forces. On 7 March 2021, for example, “scores of migrants burned to death ... after Houthi security forces launched unidentified projectiles into an immigration detention center in Sanaa,” reported Human Rights Watch (16 March 2021). The facility, which was the Immigration, Passport and Naturalization Authority (IPNA) Holding Facility at Sana’a airport, was detaining around 900 detainees, 350 of whom were in the hangar-like building that caught fire. The 44 killed and hundreds of surviving migrants were of African, mostly of Ethiopian, origin. Before the fire, detainees had been staging a hunger strike over their living conditions at the facility — cramped cells, a lack of mattresses, limited food and drinking water, unsanitary conditions, and abuse from guards. According to surviving detainees, the guards responded by identifying and isolating the organisers outside, beating them, locking them in the hanger, and calling Houthi security forces, who threatened that they would hear their “final prayers.” Afterwards, they said that two projectiles were launched into the hangar room by the security forces, which produced gas, exploded and started a fire.

Detention conditions and violent abuses of migrants have been criticised for years by human rights bodies, including the UN Human Rights Council’s Group of Independent Eminent International and Regional Experts. In 2018, they reported sexual abuse, physical violence, and killings of women and boys at the hands of guards in the Bureiqa migrant detention centre in Aden, where hundreds of Eritrean, Ethiopian, and Somali migrants, asylum seekers and refugees were held. In 2019, Security Belt forces arbitrarily detained around 5,000 migrant men, women, and children, placed them in ad-hoc facilities with “appalling conditions” in Lahij and Aden, and subsequently subjected them to sexual violence. According to the Group of Experts, “these sexual violence acts were situated in a broader context of structural discrimination against the survivors, all of whom were Ethiopian migrants. The caste-like system in Yemen reinforces the ‘subordinate’ status of black African communities.”

Although the sea route from the Horn of Africa to Yemen remains a busy and dangerous maritime migration route, the COVID-19 pandemic has led to dramatic decreases in migrant traffic. According to the IOM (23 February 2021), there has been a “nearly three-fourths decline in migration from the East and Horn of Africa regions towards Gulf Council Countries during 2020. … Data released by IOM show that the number of migrants crossing via Yemen from the Horn dropped from a high of 138,213 in 2019 to 37,537 in 2020. Forced returns from the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia were also significantly reduced, passing from nearly 121,000 Ethiopian migrants in 2019 to 37,000 in 2020.”

Despite this downward trend, the route continues to be used, often with tragic consequences. On 4 March 2021, smugglers on a boat carrying 200 migrants from Djibouti to Yemen threw 80 people into the sea, killing at least 20. This was the third incident in the last half year, leading to more than 70 migrants deaths. After arriving in Yemen by boat, migrants are often kidnapped and taken to informal captivity camps in Lahj, of which there are reportedly around 80 in Ras al-Ara, where they are further subjected to abuse and violence in the absence of state protection.

Wracked by war, Yemen was unprepared to respond effectively to the COVID-19
pandemic. Only around half its health facilities were functional but under equipped, and the government and de facto authorities adopted inadequate measures. As of 16 March 2021, the country had recorded 2,912 cases and 699 deaths. The pandemic has also increased food insecurity in the malnourished population and restricted humanitarian access and response. The UN Group of Experts received reports that COVID-19 measures were used as a cover to commit further violations on vulnerable communities such as detainees and migrants.

12 March 2021


UNSOM, “Somalia’s COVID-19 Response: Internally Displaced People Especially at Risk,” 23 June 2020,
UNSOM, “Somalia’s COVID-19 Response: Internally Displaced People Especially at Risk,” 23 June 2020,
Somalia, a war-torn country located in the Horn of Africa, has a population of approximately 15 million. The population is considered to be particularly vulnerable to the spread of infectious diseases because of its poor public health infrastructure that was damaged during years of civil war, ongoing conflicts, and economic underdevelopment. At the same time, multiple crises have contributed to the massive displacement of Somalis within and outside the country: persistent conflict, climate disasters, diseases, and desert locust infestations. By the end of 2019, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) estimated that around 5.2 million inhabitants were in need of assistance. The COVID-19 pandemic has compounded the challenges faced by the general and displaced population: food insecurity has increased and the response to environmental disasters has been slowed down by higher shipping costs of necessary equipment and goods.

The first case of COVID-19 in Somalia was reported on 16 March 2020 from a returning citizen, prompting a halt of international flights for two weeks, with exceptions for humanitarian flights. Other measures imposed to curb the spread include movement restrictions and reduced business activity. In 2020, Somalia recorded a total of 4,714 COVID-19 cases and 130 deaths. A considerable spike was reported in the first two months of 2021, when nearly the same number of positive cases and deaths were recorded as during the entire previous year. Its health system is severely underdeveloped and cannot cope with the second wave. In the capital Mogadishu only one hospital has an isolation centre. It is also possible that the low recorded cases in 2020 can be attributed to the limited testing capacities of the country (Al Jazeera, 28 April 2020).

A UNHCR update from 21 May 2020 reported only two active cases among its population of concern (one refugee and one IDP), which includes 2,648,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs), 130,510 returning refugees, 15,358 asylum seekers, and 14,666 refugees. However, Amnesty International reported a lack of testing facilities within camps in July 2020, as well as reduced healthcare provision due to lack of funding and movement and overcrowding restrictions. The effect of the pandemic and restriction measures on the numerous and overcrowded IDP camps was also assessed by a CCCM Cluster Feedback Assessment. The findings show that a majority of respondents faced economic difficulties due to a loss of their livelihoods, 36 percent believed they had adequate access to health services, and only 23 percent had access to COVID-19 testing.

The extent of COVID-19 transmission in Somali jails and other detention centres is still unclear. The conditions for a mass outbreak are present, as reported by the ICRC in April 2020: “Overcrowding, shared sanitation facilities, poor hygiene, limited ventilation and access to common areas are examples of structural and organizational factors that can favour the spread of diseases. … The good news is that several handwashing stations are being set up in the detention facilities. Detainees and staff have also been informed on measures they can take to prevent the spread of COVID-19. … Some detention facilities in Somalia have already halted family visits to reduce the risk.”

In April 2020, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) donated personal hygiene goods, cleaning products, medical goods, masks, and gloves, and provided guidelines for coping with infectious diseases to several prisons in Somalia (Mogadishu Central Prison, Mogadishu Prison and Court Complex, Baidoa Central Prison, Garowe Prison, Kismayo Prison, Beledweyn Prison).

The United Kingdom Home Office, in a 2015 Document on Prison Conditions in Somalia, reported that “Conditions in most prisons in Somalia, Somaliland and Puntland, including those administered by Al Shabaab, are harsh with reports of poor levels of sanitation, overcrowding and disease; inadequate medical facilities; extensive use of lengthy pretrial detention and the use of torture and other forms of ill-treatment.”

It is unclear how many detainees are non-citizens, and whether they are detained due to their migration status. In 2012, Mogadishu Central Prison had no foreign prisoners out of 950.

11 March 2021


InfoMigrants, “Malta: Mistreatment Claims, Ongoing Pressure Despite a Drop in Migrant Arrivals,” 14 January 2021,
InfoMigrants, “Malta: Mistreatment Claims, Ongoing Pressure Despite a Drop in Migrant Arrivals,” 14 January 2021,
Following its ad hoc visit to Malta in September 2020, the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture has expressed serious concerns regarding the country’s detention of migrants, asylum seekers, and refugees--particularly during the pandemic. At the time of the visit (17-22 September), Malta was experiencing a surge in COVID-19 cases while also witnessing increasing numbers of irregular sea arrivals.

Of particular concern to the committee was the fact that COVID-positive migrants had not been separated from other detainees--something that the CPT argued “may well raise issues not only under Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) but also as regards Malta’s positive obligation to protect life under Article 2 of the ECHR.” The committee thus urged Malta to ensure that all detainees who test positive are immediately isolated from non-positive detainees.

Describing Malta’s immigration detention system, the committee notes that it “purely ‘contained’ migrants who had essentially been forgotten, within poor conditions of detention and regimes which verged on institutional mass neglect by the authorities.” Migrants were found to be locked in facilities with little--if any--access to time outside, centres were reported to be severely overcrowded, and recreational activities were not provided to detainees. Noting this, the committee urged Malta to ensure that as a minimum during the pandemic, all detainees have at least one hour of outdoor exercise (and preferably more).

The committee also reported that many migrants were being detained for unlawful and arbitrarily long periods without review under public health orders: at the time of the committee’s visit, more than 90 percent of detainees were being detained on public health grounds. However, the CPT notes, “There were no registers of the detention orders or copies of the detention orders kept at the Detention Services or IRC establishments, and management did not appear to know who was being held on which grounds.”

In January 2021, a detainee held at Safi Barracks wrote to InfoMigrants, describing his detention: "We are in a miserable condition and … lack the most basic rights to live. …. We are held for 16 months… (some people) suffer from serious physical and psychological diseases to the extent that (they) tried to commit suicide several times. We have abstained from eating for several days.”

In a separate report recently published by the Council of Europe, Malta’s failure to assist migrants and refugees at sea was also condemned: “Failures to respond and delays in attending to distress calls, or to provide information to relevant bodies that could conduct the rescue, have risked jeopardising the right to life of people at sea.”

10 March 2021


K. Warren, “Seychelles is Opening to Tourists with no Quarantine or Vaccine Required, and it's Following the Same Model the Maldives Used to Launch its Tourism Success Story,” The Insider, 10 March 2021,
K. Warren, “Seychelles is Opening to Tourists with no Quarantine or Vaccine Required, and it's Following the Same Model the Maldives Used to Launch its Tourism Success Story,” The Insider, 10 March 2021,
The Seychelles, an archipelago of 115 islands off the coast of East Africa, reported its first case of COVID-19 in March 2020; as of 10 March 2021 the country has reported a total of 3,032 cases and 15 related deaths. Measures Seychelles adopted to curb the spread of the virus included suspension of air travel from 31 March 2020 and temporary extension of migrants’ permits.

In June 2020, at least 59 members of a Spanish fishing fleet--which arrived from Senegal and the Ivory Coast--tested positive for the virus. The country’s Public Health Commissioner confirmed that all those who tested positive were to be isolated in the fleet’s ships rather than onshore, as the fleet had its own doctor, PPE, and ability to monitor patients’ temperatures.

For many years, the Seychelles has relied upon foreign migrant workers. Between 2006 and 2016 the number of migrant workers increased from 4,160 to 15,074, and according to the UN Committee on Migrant Workers, migrants represented 25 percent of the country’s labour force in 2015. The majority of migrant workers are employed in the construction sector, followed by the tourism and manufacturing sectors. They are required to possess a Gainful Employment Permit (GOP). During the pandemic, expired work permits were extended to legalise the stay of non-Seychellois workers while borders were closed, with employers required to provide food and shelter during this period. However, in February 2021 authorities revised the country’s framework for the GOP in order to increase local workers’ access to the labour market. Amongst various changes to the framework was the cancellation of COVID-19 related concessions, including the extension of the GOP work permits.

Although Seychelles’ laws provide for immigration detention, the Global Detention Project has been unable to determine whether people in immigration procedures, including detention and deportation, have been vulnerable to COVID-19 or whether officials have taken steps to mitigate the spread of this disease amongst detainees or other vulnerable non-citizens.

In the past, there have been numerous reports of immigration detention and deportation, sometimes in apparent violation of the country's international legal commitments. For example, the UN Special Rapporteur on trafficking in persons, in its report about its 2014 visit to the Seychelles, said that "information received indicate that foreign women and girls identified as prohibited immigrants are reportedly detained and summarily deported directly from the airport by immigration officials on suspicion of prostitution. In most cases, there is no identification process or proper assessment as to whether they were trafficked or whether their return would be safe. It is further alleged that the police are not informed about such cases until after the potential victims have left the country. Such lack of coordination in the process of identification of potential victims between immigration and police officials is a further cause of concern." The Special Rapporteur further noted, "The absence of shelters and psycho-social supports for victims of gender-based violence, including trafficking, perpetuates their victimization. There are no holding facilities for irregular migrants, who are currently and inappropriately kept in police cells. The speed with which prohibited migrants are deported may not allow for thorough investigations and possible identification of trafficked persons and traffickers. Labour inspections are limited by resources to effectively overseeing businesses."

According to Articles 22 and 23 of the Immigration Decree, immigration officers may detain persons who they suspect are “prohibited immigrants.” Article 19 provides various grounds for identifying a non-Seychellois as a “prohibited immigrant,” including: persons infected or inflicted with, or who are carriers of, a prescribed disease and who are capable of infecting others; any person whose permit under the Decree has expired or been revoked; any person who has concealed any information from an immigration officer which is relevant to their entry into, or stay in, the Seychelles; and any person who “in the opinion of the Director of Immigration is not of good character.” Article 27 also provides that any person who unlawfully enters the country will face a fine and three years’ imprisonment.

Detainees can be placed in specialised immigration detention facilities, prisons, or “any other place where facilities exist for the detention of persons” (Article 24 (2)). In 2016, only two years after the UN Special Rapporteur on trafficking in persons noted the lack of "holding facilities for irregular migrants," the country opened a dedicated immigration detention facility at Seychelles International Airport, with capacity for five persons. According to a Seychelles Civil Aviation Authority (SCAA) press release, the opening of this facility was prompted by an increase in the number of arrivals declared as prohibited immigrants.

In 2018, a local NGO--the Association for Rights Information and Democracy (ARID)--reported that it had recorded numerous cases of rights abuses against migrant workers in the country, including deplorable living conditions and delays in the payment of wages. The NGO called on the country’s employment department to monitor conditions and ensure that foreign workers are not subject to inhumane treatment. In its 2019 human rights report, the U.S. State Department noted that it had received credible reports of forced labour in the fishing, agriculture, and construction workers.

There appears to be limited publicly available information concerning COVID measures or outbreaks in prisons in the Seychelles. However, the Seychelles Prison Service does refer to special measures taken to protect staff and detainees, which appear to include setting up sanitising stations at the entrance to the country’s main prison (Montagne Posee), and temporarily suspending visits. UNDP reportedly also provided funding via its Prevention, Response and Early Recovery Project (PREP) to support high risk groups, including prisoners.

In early March 2021, President Wavel Ramkalawan announced that he expected 70 percent of the country’s 100,000 population to be vaccinated by mid March and that as such, the country’s borders could re-open on 25 March.

09 March 2021

Equatorial Guinea

Daily News Egypt, “Equatorial Guinea President Receives 1st Dose of Chinese COVID-19 Vaccine,” 17 February 2021,
Daily News Egypt, “Equatorial Guinea President Receives 1st Dose of Chinese COVID-19 Vaccine,” 17 February 2021,
The Republic of Equatorial Guinea, a small country that is located on the west coast of Central Africa that also includes nearby islands, has a population of approximately 1.4 million people. As of 9 March 2021, it had recorded 6,371 cases and 96 COVID-19 deaths. On 22 March 2020, a week after the first case of the virus was confirmed in the capital Malabo, which is located on the islands of Bioko, the country declared a state of alarm and implemented a series of security measures, including border closures, intended to contain the spread of the virus. Certain measures have since been lifted and the borders have been reopened with additional requirements for arriving passengers, including having proof of a negative PCR test taken no longer than 48 hours prior; undergoing a rapid COVID-19 test upon arrival; staying in quarantine for 5 days and taking an additional test once the five days have passed.

In late July 2020, Vietnamese migrants working at Sendje Hydropower Plant tested positive and were repatriated to Vietnam. According to Reuters, of the 220 onboard the aircraft, 140 had tested positive for the virus.

The country does not appear to host many refugees. However, according to UNHCR, the country has nationals abroad who are recognised as people requiring international protection. Observers have long condemned the authoritarian government of committing widespread human rights abuses. The UN refugee agency reports that as of 2019, there were 156 mandate refugees and 167 asylum seekers from Equatorial Guinea around the world.

While the country is not a party to the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families, in 2002 it ratified both the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment as well as the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. In 2019 UNHCR welcomed Equatorial Guinea’s accession to the Kampala Convention on internally displaced persons, becoming the 29th African Union member state to do so.

According to the U.S. State Department, during 2019 both legal and irregular immigrants were arbitrarily arrested, physically abused, detained, and extorted in some cases. It also states that the government was uncooperative in granting protection to forcibly displaced populations registered with the UNHCR. “Diplomatic representatives in the country criticized the government for the harassment, abuse, extortion, and detention of foreign nationals and for not renewing residence and work permits in a timely manner, making foreign nationals vulnerable to abuse.”

However, the GDP has been unable to establish the extent to which detention facilities are used in Equatorial Guinea as part of immigration enforcement procedures or to obtain details on COVID-19 related measures taken to safeguard people in immigration custody. The country’s laws, however, provide enforcement measures and criminal penalties for immigraiton violations. According to Article 46(a) of Organic Law Number 3/2010 of 30 May, Regulating the Rights of Foreigners in Equatorial Guinea (Ley Orgánica Número 3/2010, de fecha 30 de mayo, Reguladora del Derecho de Extranjería en Guinea Ecuatorial), it is a “serious offence” to be in an irregular situation in Equatorial Guinea. Article 48 provides fines for serious offences from “500.001 F.cfas to 3.000.000 of F.cfas.” In addition, under Article 50(1), non-citizens can be expelled from the country for committing “serious offences,” including for being in the country without authorisation. Moreover, according to Article 51(1), people who are expelled from the country under this law are prohibited from re-entering for a period of 10 to 15 years.

Observers have reported a grim picture of Equatorial Guinea’s prisons and detention centres. The UN Human Rights Committee noted in 2019 concern about overcrowding in prisons with no separation of men, women and minors, no food provision, poor sanitary and healthcare conditions, arbitrary arrests and imprisonments, and incommunicado detention. Amnesty International documented extensive torture of prisoners between the years 1988 and 2009, and the U.S. State Department reported in 2019 “harsh and life threatening” conditions “due to abuse, overcrowding, disease, inadequate food, poorly trained staff, and lack of medical care.” There have also been numerous reports about the spread of diseases--including malaria, typhoid, tuberculosis, hepatitis C, and HIV/AIDS--posing a serious problem in prisons, suggesting vulnerability to COVID-19 outbreaks.

On 24 April 2020, the political party, “Convergencia Para la Democracia Social” called on the government to decongest police stations and penitentiaries. It also called for the release of those detained for non-violent offences and political prisoners. A day earlier, a nurse was released from the Black Beach prison after having been imprisoned for telling a friend via Whatsapp that the hospital where coronavirus patients were being treated had no oxygen.

On 17 February 2020, President Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, who has been in office since 1982, received the first dose of the Chinese COVID-19 vaccine. On this occasion, the president appealed to the entire population to get vaccinated. 100,000 Sinopharm COVID-19 vaccine doses were donated by the Chinese government to certain African countries, including Equatorial Guinea.

02 March 2021

Saint Lucia

Bordelais Correctional Facility in Saint Lucia, (S. Gaillard,
Bordelais Correctional Facility in Saint Lucia, (S. Gaillard, "Bordelais inmate dies: COVID-related death confirmed," Loop News, 4 February 2021,
Saint Lucia, with a population of approximately 180,000, recorded 3,390 cases and 36 related deaths of COVID-19 as of 1 March 2021. The Caribbean country, similar to many neighbours, appeared to fare well with managing the number of cases during the initial months of the pandemic, reporting only 353 cases and 5 deaths by the end of 2020. However, a sudden rise in positive cases and deaths occurred in January 2021, and the country declared a State of Emergency on 3 February 2021.

Saint Lucia reported its first case on 13 March 2020, after which it ceased allowing entry of international arrivals, schools were closed, and non-essential business was halted. Its borders were opened again on 4 June 2020, but only for those willing to provide a negative COVID-19 test result and stay in government-mandated quarantine. Officials made arrests of people seeking to enter on unauthorised boat arrivals throughout much of the year, and officials explicitly linked the dangers of unregulated migration to COVID-19. Accordion to one news article (Loop News 13 November 2020), the president blamed “Illegal or ‘backdoor’ entry … for the recent spike in COVID-19 cases on the island” even though there had been “no conclusive links of any COVID-19 positive cases to illegal entry.”

The recent outbreak has particularly impacted people in prisons. Eight cases and one death had been confirmed at Bordelais Correctional Facility (BCF) as of February 2021. The reported lack of information and perceived lack of protection provided to inmates has led to strife inside the prison: a hunger strike by inmates was reported on 1 February 2021 after reports of positive cases linked to kitchens. Inmates in possession of mobile phones voiced COVID-related frustrations on social media livestreams and complained about the length of their pretrial detention. The Director of Corrections of BCF responded saying that “COVID-19 was the least of their priorities. They took advantage of this COVID-19 period to highlight some of their issues.”

Saint Lucia has not established a national human rights institution (NHRI) in accordance with the Paris Principles, but in 2019 it set up a National Mechanism for Reporting and Follow Up (NMRF) called “National Coordinating Committee for Human Rights.” Human rights issues have been reported in the island’s prisons, namely of violence perpetrated by prison and police officers against detainees, as well as allegations of lacking clean drinking water, and general mistreatment. Prolonged pretrial detention, lasting from six months to six years, has also been noted as a problem.

Saint Lucia does not have legal provisions for providing protection to asylum seekers and refugees.

01 March 2021

Sao Tome and Principe

R. Graça, “São Tomé e Príncipe: Mortes por Covid-19 disparam e população ignora a doença,” DW, 25 February 2021,
R. Graça, “São Tomé e Príncipe: Mortes por Covid-19 disparam e população ignora a doença,” DW, 25 February 2021,
The island nation of São Tomé and Príncipe, a former Portuguese colony located in the Gulf of Guinea in Western Africa, had reported a total of 1,786 COVID-19 cases, representing less than one percent of its population (215,000), as of February 2021. There is little information available about the impact of the pandemic on migrants in the country, who in 2015 made up a mere 1.3 percent of its population, or with respect to immigration detainees or prisoners. The country does not have a functioning asylum procedure.

The U.S. State Department’s 2019 Country Report on Human Rights Practices in São Tomé and Príncipe reported that the country had overcrowded prisons that lacked medical services and infrastructure, and failed to separate pretrial and convicted detainees, and children and adults. It also reported that roughly 25 percent of the imprisoned population were pretrial detainees.

The country recorded its first four COVID-19 cases on 6 April 2020, the last country in Africa to do so. The country announced a state of emergency in March, before it reported its first case of infection, which included an international travel ban except for citizens. On 6 May 2020, a new lockdown was imposed, which only allowed exceptions for essential businesses, shift workers, and food service providers, until 17 May 2020. The state of emergency was downgraded to a “state of alert” in June, and then upgraded again to a “state of calamity” in November 2020, which remained in place as of February 2021.

26 February 2021


Fraternité Des Prisons Members Along with the Dubréka Prison and Coyah Prison Directors, (GuinéeMatin,
Fraternité Des Prisons Members Along with the Dubréka Prison and Coyah Prison Directors, (GuinéeMatin, "COVID-19 : Fraternité des Prisons de Guinée offre des kits aux détenus de Dubréka et Coyah," 20 June 2020,
Guinea, located on the west coast of Africa, declared a state of emergency on 26 March 2020 in response to the COVID-19 pandemic, which included several emergency measures like the closure of borders and schools. By 26 February 2021, the country had recorded 15,789 cases of COVID-19 and 88 related deaths. On 14 February 2021, the Ministry of Health informed the WHO of a new cluster of Ebola infections in the Gouécké Nzérékoré region.

There is little information available about the impact of the pandemic on refugees and migrants in Guinea. According to UNHCR, as of 31 January 2021, there were 5,561 refugees and 305 asylum seekers in the country. As of 15 February, there were 511 Ivorian arrivals to the country, and registration and border monitoring were on-going. According to UNHCR, most of the new arrivals in Guinea had entered through unofficial points, not subject to COVID-19 precautions. In addition, due to the recent outbreak of Ebola in areas of Guinea bordering Côte d’Ivoire, sensitisation campaigns are taking place amongst refugee communities to raise awareness and prevent the spread.

In December 2020, the country began vaccinating its population with the Russian-made Sputnik V vaccine. Government officials were the first to receive the vaccine at a vaccination centre in Conakry. Dr Sakoba Keita, the Director-General of the National Health Security Agency said: “We have ordered 2 million doses (from Russia) to be able to vaccinate vulnerable people and we have also placed orders in the People’s Republic of China, all that in order to show the commitment of the government to go onto the offensive to use this latest strategy that served us well during the Ebola (outbreak).”

The GDP has been unable to establish the extent to which detention facilities are used in Guinea as part of immigration procedures or to get details about COVID-related precautions or restrictions officials may have adopted vis-à-vis foreigners in administrative procedures.

Articles 73 and 75 of Act No. L/94/019/CTRN on the conditions of entry and residence for foreign nationals in the Republic of Guinea provide criminal penalties for foreigners who remain in Guinea irregularly and those who overstay their visas. In its concluding observations in 2015, the Committee on Migrant Workers (CMW) noted the government’s statements that the act is not applied and that migrant workers in an irregular situation are not usually placed in detention. The Committee nonetheless recommended that Guinea: “(a) Indicate in its next periodic report the number of migrants, disaggregated by age, sex, nationality and/or origin, who are currently being detained for having violated the law on migration (...); (b) Amend Act No. L/94/109/CTRN to decriminalise irregular migration, since the Committee considers that, in accordance with general comment No. 2 (2013) on the rights of migrant workers in an irregular situation and members of their families, staying in a country in an unauthorised manner or without proper documentation or overstaying a residence permit should not constitute a criminal offence.”

As regards the COVID-19 situation and protective measures adopted in the country’s prisons, on 29 April 2020, Guinea’s National Health Security Agency told AFP that authorities had discovered a positive case of COVID-19 inside Conakry’s central prison, without specifying whether an inmate or a guard had been infected. By 28 August, there were reportedly 86 cases in the country’s prisons and three prisoners had died from the disease. Rights groups say the country’s prisons are often disease-ridden and overcrowded. For instance, according to Amnesty International, Conakry central prison has capacity for 500 inmates, but currently holds around 1,700.

Humanitarian and civil society organisations have been providing support to the country’s prisons. In June 2020, Prisonniers Sans Frontières provided 20 bags of rice and 48 liters of oil for detainees at Conakry central prison. In addition, on 20 June, Fraternié des Prisons de Guinée installed 27 hand-washing stations, 10 soap cartons and two bleach cartons to the Dubréka and Coyah prisons. On 31 May 2020, the Minister of Social Action, Promotion of Women and Children announced the release of children in detention. The minister also said that 42 children had already been released from the prisons of Conakry, Labé, and Kankan.

25 February 2021


An immigration truck believed to be carrying Myanmar migrants from Malaysia back to their homeland (Getty Images,
An immigration truck believed to be carrying Myanmar migrants from Malaysia back to their homeland (Getty Images, "Malaysia Deports Myanmar Nationals Despite Court Order," BBC, 24 February 2021,
In the face of mounting international outrage, on 23 February Malaysian authorities proceeded with the deportation of 1,086 people to Myanmar, who included suspected refugees as well as many children (see the 18 February update below for additional details). The deportations took place as the COVID-19 pandemic has severely hurt the job prospects of migrants in Malaysia, effectively turning many documented workers into undocumented ones and potentially subject to immigration enforcement measures.

The mass deportation to Myanmar was in defiance of a court order to delay the move until a judicial review could be completed, a legal move that had been initiated by the Malaysian chapters of Amnesty International and Asylum Access, who provided evidence of refugees and asylum seekers being among the group. The deportation was carried out without assessing the people’s claims for asylum, or allowing the UN High Commissioner for Refugees access to the people while in detention before their deportation. Human Right Watch’s Asia Advisor commented: “Malaysia’s immigration authorities have shown a blatant disregard both for the basic rights of Myanmar nationals and an order by the Malaysian High Court. The immigration director-general has put lives at risk by sending people back to a country now ruled again by a military that has a long track record of punishing people for political dissent or their ethnicity.”

The Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights also condemned the deportations, saying: “The Malaysian authorities in defiance of the court order breached the principle of non-refoulement, a rule of jus cogens, which absolutely prohibits the collective deportation of migrants without an objective risk assessment being conducted in each individual case. Children should not have been separated from their family, or returned without determining that their return is in their best interests.”

Responding to the concerns about the identity and status of the deportees, the Malaysian director-general of immigration claimed that none of the deportees were Rohingya refugees or asylum seekers. However, on 22 February the UN refugee agency claimed that at least up to six of the people to be deported were registered refugees, and 17 were children with at least one parent in Malaysia. Various refugee rights groups had also contended that approximately one hundred Muslim and Chin refugees were among the group initially slated for deportation. These refugees may have been among the group that were not ultimately deported, though Amnesty International reported as of 24 February that the identities of these people remained unclear. The High Court of Kuala Lumpur ruled on 24 February that they should not be sent back to Myanmar, extending the stay order until 9 March 2021.

The government claimed that all deportees voluntarily agreed to their return. However, it was unclear how many people in fact agreed, and under what conditions. There are concerns that many of the deportees may not have been informed about the political volatility in the country after the coup due to limited information being available during detention.

24 February 2021


IOL News, “Eswatini Suspends Prison Visits, Restricts Hospital Visits as Covid-19 Fears Mount,” 18 March 2020,
IOL News, “Eswatini Suspends Prison Visits, Restricts Hospital Visits as Covid-19 Fears Mount,” 18 March 2020,
The Kingdom of Eswatini (formerly known as Swaziland), one of the smallest countries in Africa, is a landlocked country in southern Africa with a population of 1.1 million people. Similar to other countries, Eswatini restricted the movement of refugees after the onset of the pandemic as a purported measure to stop the spread of COVID-19.

In its 17 March 2020 declaration of national emergency, the government announced a series of measures at its main refugee site, the Malindza Refugee Centre in the Lubombo region, which accommodates several hundred refugees. A government announcement said:


“The Ministry will create a control management system for Refugees and Asylum seekers to restrict movement in and out of the Reception Centre.

“The Ministry will create sensitization/education programs for refugees and asylum seekers at the Malindza Centre.

“The Ministry will provide sanitization buckets in strategic points, residential blocks and toilets at the Centre.

“An isolation room will be reserved for those Refugees and Asylum seekers that present symptoms of COVID-19 at the Centre before they are referred for medical attention.

“All planned events at the center are hereby cancelled with immediate effect.”

In 2005, nearly 30 years after the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) opened an office in Eswatini to help with an influx of refugees fleeing apartheid in South Africa, the refugee agency transferred all refugee services to the government. According to UNHCR, as of 31 January 2021, there were 1,765 refugees and asylum seekers in the country. UNHCR reported that as part of its COVID response in Eswatini, “public health information campaigns on COVID-19 have reached 425 individuals at Malindza refugee camp, while the clinic at the reception centre has received 1,500 gloves to help prevent the spread of COVID- 19.”

Also as part of its emergency measures, the government temporarily closed six land border posts with South Africa (Lundzi, Bulembu, Sandlane, Nsalitje, Sicunusa and Gege); prohibited non-essential travel, and revoked visas issued to citizens of countries identified as COVID-19 high risk.

The GDP has been unable to establish the extent to which detention facilities are used in Eswatini as part of immigration enforcement procedures or to obtain details on COVID-19 related measures taken to safeguard people in immigration custody. Nonetheless, the Immigration Act of 1982, which entered into force in 1987, provides fines and imprisonment for immigration offences. Under section 14(1)(h) of the Act, any person who is a “prohibited immigrant” who enters or remains in the country or fails to comply with an order of an immigration officer to leave Swaziland can be prosecuted and liable to a fine and/or up to a year’s imprisonment. Section 3(1)(e) of the act stipulates that a “prohibited immigrant” is “a person who, upon entering or seeking to enter Swaziland, fails to produce a valid passport to an immigration officer on demand or within such time as that officer may allow.” In addition, under 14(2)(c), any person who unlawfully enters or is unlawfully present in Swaziland may be fined up to five hundred Emalangeni or imprisoned for six months, or be both fined and imprisoned.

Eswatini’s Refugee Law of 2017 specifically precludes the detention of refugees and decriminalises illegal entry or presence for refugees in the country. According to section 8 of the law, “a person claiming to be a refugee, who has illegally entered or is illegally present in Swaziland, shall not be declared a prohibited immigrant, detained, imprisoned or penalised in any other way merely by reason of that illegal entry or presence of that person.”

Regarding COVID-related measures in the country’s prison system, in March 2020 officials suspended prison visits and restricted prisoner hospital visits to halt the spread of COVID-19 (IOL News). The UN Development Programme (UNDP) and the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) reported providing hygiene and sanitary supplies to the Correctional Services Department in order to reduce the risk of spread of COVID-19 among the prison population.

While many countries around the world have begun vaccinating their populations, Eswatini had yet to receive a single dose as of late February 2021. The country recently experienced a spike in the number of COVID-19 cases. On 3 February 2021, Médecins Sans Frontières reported that there were 200 daily cases and that deaths were around four times higher than in the first wave. As the country’s health facilities became overwhelmed, MSF teams set up temporary wards at the Nhlangano health centre.

23 February 2021


L. Fransson, “Norge behandlet meg som et dyr,” Dagbladet, 9 December 2020,
L. Fransson, “Norge behandlet meg som et dyr,” Dagbladet, 9 December 2020,
The supervisory board of Norway’s Trandum Detention Centre, in its annual report about operations at the facility, expressed concern about the implementation of certain COVID-19 measures. Of particular concern are isolation measures imposed on all newly arriving detainees, who are required to quarantine for 10 days upon arrival. During this period, they are locked in their rooms and unable to interact with others. Food is provided four times a day, and detainees are allowed outside for 1.5 hours a day--the same amount of time provided to non-quarantining detainees. During their time outdoors, they may speak to others at a distance and they are encouraged to wear masks.

According to the supervisory board, the isolation measure is “disproportionate” and the legal basis for the practice is “questionable.” They pointed out that detainees appear to have no ability to legally challenge their isolation. The board urged the facility to reassess its quarantine policy and investigate increased testing to reduce detainees’ isolation time. They pointed to the Norwegian National Human Rights Institution (NIM) which, in November 2020, affirmed that isolation in prison for the purposes of quarantine has a significantly different impact than “stay at home” orders and should be assessed in light of this distinction. The Trandum supervisory board urged similar consideration for isolation in immigration detention.

The board also noted a need to improve health services at the centre--both in terms of access and quality of care provided; to reduce the penal nature of the facility; and to ensure that detainees are provided with more varied, and culturally appropriate, food. As the Global Detention Project highlighted in its 2019 report, “Harm Reduction in Immigration Detention,” these concerns have been raised by observers for years. Recently, in December 2020, Norwegian media reported the case of an Ethiopian woman suffering from a number of health problems who was detained at Trandum from 16 August - 11 December 2020. According to the County Governor, her medical conditions significantly worsened because she was not provided with adequate medical care during her time in the facility.

With the number of detainees low in 2020 (on 8 September, 36 detainees were recorded in the facility)--and an expectation that numbers will remain low in 2021--the board held that now is an “opportune time for establishing new routines.”

22 February 2021


Police Headquarters, Roseau, Dominica (The Sun Dominica, “
Police Headquarters, Roseau, Dominica (The Sun Dominica, “"I Prefer Go in a Pig Pen": Man Who Spent Time in Roseau and Portsmouth Police Cells,” 16 October 2016, )
Dominica, a Caribbean island nation with an estimated population of 70,000, has legal provisions regulating detention and deportation of “prohibited immigrants” in its Immigration and Passport Act. The act also provides detention measures for “any person certified by a medical officer to be suffering from a contagious or infectious disease which makes his entry into the State dangerous to the community.” These provisions took on added importance during the COVID-19 pandemic when authorities threatened to “round up all undocumented Haitian nationals and have them returned to their country as soon as possible,” accusing the migrants of spreading disease.

In August 2020, Dominica News Daily reported that some 60 undocumented Haitians had been detained by the police. The police chief said, “Some of them are using Dominica as a transhipment point to travel to other countries through illegal means. I have warned against entering and leaving Dominica through illegal means. Some of our citizens are overseas and want to return home however, they must do so legally by coming in at a designated port of entry. The government of Dominica, the police and the Ministry of Health have worked very hard to make Dominica COVID-19 free.” The National Security Ministry added: “Those coming in illegally are coming from hotspots and therefore pose a very serious threat to all of us. … These people are dangerous and wicked. … When someone comes through the back door you don’t know what they are carrying, it could be drugs or COVID-19.” Shortly after these pronouncements, however, the deportation of 38 Haitian nationals, who were being detained in various police stations, was halted by an application for habeas corpus by their lawyer. Subsequently, it was reported that 42 Haitians were to be deported on 18 August 2020. It is unclear if these deportation took place or if any precautions were taken to check for COVID-19.

The Dominican government, to the concern of the UN Human Rights Committee, has to date failed to enact legal protections for non-citizens, including refugees and asylum seekers, and it provides little information about their presence or treatment in the country. The government states that despite the lack of a legal framework, they have supported the protection of refugees and asylum seekers by granting Haitian migrant workers permanent residency and citizenship. The island had an estimated population of 8,300 international migrants as of mid-2020.

The situation in Dominican prisons and detention centres appears to be mixed. The U.S. State Department, in its 2019 country report on human rights practices, mentioned there were improved sanitary conditions, some upgraded facilities, no reports on lacking conditions, yet also some credible allegations of physical abuse. The UN Human Rights Committee noted the high proportion of pretrial detainees — 46 percent according to the official statistics — and the above average length of detention. It is unclear what percentage of the incarcerated population are non-citizens detained for immigration or asylum reasons. The Haitians detained in August 2020 were reportedly held in police stations in Roseau, St. Joseph, and Portsmouth.

Dominica had recorded 134 cumulative COVID-19 cases as of 21 February 2021. The island nation recorded a relatively low transmission rate after its first recorded case on 22 March 2020. Its borders were closed from 28 March, including repatriation flights for its citizens. Citizens were allowed to return from 15 July 2020; other travellers were allowed entry from 7 August 2020. In Fall 2020, after Hurricane Maria hit the island on 18 September, coronavirus transmission rates started steadily increasing . From September until December 2020, the government imposed night curfews to contain the spread.

22 February 2021

Russian Federation

28 Pro Navalny Protestors Held in a Cell Meant for 8 People in Sakhrovo Detention Centre, (Protestny MGU,
28 Pro Navalny Protestors Held in a Cell Meant for 8 People in Sakhrovo Detention Centre, (Protestny MGU, "Nothing Special About It: Take a Look Inside the ‘Special’ Detention Center Where Arrested Pro-Navalny Protesters are Being Held," Meduza, 4 February 2021,
In December 2020, the Russian government issued a presidential decree extending several COVID-19-related measures affecting foreigners in the country. Measures, which were extended until 15 June 2021, include the suspension of forced expulsions and deportations, as well as the suspension of cancellations of refugee status, visas, work permits, residence permits, and other documents. Certain people are exempt from these measures, including those who disturb public order and security (including people who participate in non-sanctioned rallies and meetings, and those who support extremist activities). Reports suggest that “public danger” and extremism can be broadly interpreted in Russia, leaving large numbers of people vulnerable to deportation despite the COVID-19 measures. In mid-February 2021, 118 people were being held in the Saint Petersburg Detention Centre, awaiting removal.

After 90 days from the date of this decree, the above-mentioned suspensions will also not apply to people from states that, as of 15 December, have reopened traffic links with Russia. As a result, observers predict an increase in expulsions from 15 March onwards.

Russia has reportedly used immigration detention centres to confine people who are not migrants or asylum seekers - including Russian citizens protesting the treatment of Alexei Navalny. With so many protesters in custody, authorities could not find sufficient places within Moscow prisons. Thus, many were placed in immigration detention centres (Centers for the Temporary Detention of Foreign Nationals). At least two facilities appear to have been used for this purpose: the Sakharovo Centre (southern Moscow suburbs), and the facility in Yegoryevsk (to the south-east of Moscow).

Footage from inside the Sakharovo facility, coupled with recent detainee testimonies, have renewed concerns about conditions inside Russia's immigration detention system and have prompted debates regarding migrants rights in the country. One detainee, the editor-in-chief of the independent news outlet Mediazona, described conditions in the centre as “hellish.”

Detainees were confined in rooms with iron beds but no mattresses; there were complaints about inadequate food provisions and drinking water; rooms appeared to be dirty and rarely cleaned; and cells were reportedly excessively hot in the day and cold at night.

A particularly contentious issue were sanitary facilities, with detainees forced to use squat toilets separated from their living area by a small, waist-high wall. Campaigners have for many years called on Russian authorities to remove squat toilets from detention facilities and ensure proper privacy is provided, and while most Moscow remand facilities are now equipped with adequate toilet stalls, updates to toilets do not appear to have been made in migrant facilities.

After detainees protested the poor detention conditions--and at least one detainee reportedly went on a hunger strike--conditions have reportedly improved, with detainees provided with mattresses, improved food supplies, and some hygiene items. Discussing the conditions in the centres, Sergey Abashin (Professor of Anthropology at the European University at Saint Petersburg) argued that many of the practices first used on migrants are soon often carried over to Russian citizens. “It's all very simple: there can be no human rights and the rule of law of even a single group is taken out, first with common consent, outside of these rights and laws, sooner or later these exceptions are extended to everyone else.”

18 February 2021


Malaysian Immigration Officers usher Detainees into a Truck after a Raid in 2018, (Getty Images,
Malaysian Immigration Officers usher Detainees into a Truck after a Raid in 2018, (Getty Images, "Malaysia sticks to deporting Myanmar detainees despite UN pressure," Nikkei Asia, 17 February 2021,
Despite strong criticism from civil society organisations and the UN, Malaysian authorities are preparing to deport 1,200 people to Myanmar on 23 February even as the crisis in Myanmar spurred by the recent military coup there continues to deepen. Observers are particularly concerned that refugees and asylum seekers will be amongst those deported by Malaysia.

Deportees are due to be returned by military vessels, provided by Myanmar’s navy. Although Malaysia claims that the deportees are not refugees or asylum seekers, organisations such as Amnesty International have questioned the validity of such statements. They point to the fact that Malaysia has denied UNHCR access to immigration detention centres to identify asylum seekers and refugees since August 2019. “UNHCR must immediately have full access to the 1,200 people,” said the Executive Director of Amnesty International Malaysia in a statement on 18 February. “Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin must instruct the immigration department to work closely with UNHCR to ensure not a single person seeking asylum, refugee or anyone who may be at risk of human rights violations is forced to return to Myanmar. To do so would be in violation of the principle of non-refoulement, which applies to Malaysia as part of customary international law.”

Several refugee support organisations, including Myanmar Muslim Refugee Community and Alliance of Chin Refugees, have also confirmed that they have been contacted by members of the refugee groups they represent who are facing deportation, and claim that nearly 100 asylum seekers--including women and children--are amongst the group due to be deported. As of 18 February, UNHCR had yet to verify this claim.

Malaysia has faced condemnation for its roundups and detention of migrants during the COVID-19 pandemic (see 3 May Malaysia update on this platform), with reports indicating that many non-nationals are reluctant to come forwards for COVID-19 testing or treatment out of fear that they too will be arrested and detained (see 25 November Malaysia update). On 17 February, however, the minister responsible for immunisation coordination (Khairy Jamaluddin, Minister for Science and Technology) claimed that undocumented migrants would not be arrested if they presented themselves for vaccination. In a press briefing, the minister said, "We will work with civil society organisations to assist us in reaching out to undocumented foreigners with the assurance that they will not be detained. They can come forward freely.”

Despite the minister’s statement, a former deputy defence minister - Liew Chin Tong - believes that undocumented migrants and refugees will refuse to come forwards to receive the vaccine unless they receive stronger assurances from the immigration department and police themselves. He said: “It’s important that everyone is vaccinated, particularly those in high-risk groups such as migrant workers and refugees. But I don’t think the illegal migrants will come out for it. They will not trust Khairy’s words until and unless there is a rethink on the part of the Immigration Department, the police and all other security agencies.”

The country’s DAP Socialist Youth party has also questioned whether such promises will reassure non-nationals. The party’s deputy chairman argues that verbal promises from a minister unconnected to immigration will fail to reassure migrants and refugees, and instead urged the government to conduct a legalisation programme for undocumented foreigners parallel to its vaccination programme. “Some employers and migrant workers might be worried that the government might talk the talk but not walk the walk due to uncoordinated government responses,” he said.

17 February 2021


Loop News, “HMP Dodds Following Health Protocols During COVID-19,” 19 April 2020,”
Loop News, “HMP Dodds Following Health Protocols During COVID-19,” 19 April 2020,”
The small Caribbean island of Barbados, part of the British Commonwealth, has recently experienced a sharp spike in the number of COVID-19 cases. As of 14 February 2021, Barbados had 2,061 positive cases of COVID-19. Nearly 80 percent of these cases have been reported since the start of 2021; Barbados had reported only 383 positive cases as of 31 December 2020.

An outbreak in early January 2021 in HMP Dodds Prison has been called the nation’s largest COVID-19 cluster, and counted 363 infected persons at its peak: 261 inmates, 85 officers, and 17 staff. Reports indicated that as of 1 February the situation had been stabilised because of “extensive sanitation, preventive scanning, testing, quarantining, […] isolation of prison officers, civilian staff, and inmates at Dodds,” in addition to expanding medical facilities and ventilation capacities (Nation News, 01.02.21).

The government’s policies to curb the pandemic from March until May 2020 included widespread testing and a curfew — initially a night curfew, which was later extended to be a 24-hour curfew. The measures in HMP Dodds Prison included quarantining newly entering prisoners for 14 days, temperature-taking, isolation of people with symptoms, testing, and banning external visits. In the light of the new surge in cases in 2021, new measures were introduced in the country on 1 January and tightened on 3 February, including a curfew, limited shop openings, banning public gatherings, and mask obligations.

The government did not close its borders after the onset of the pandemic and received a limited number of international commercial flights from the U.S. and UK in particular. Cruise ships were also allowed to dock on or anchor around the island while awaiting further operations. However, the government imposed mandatory quarantine for travellers entering the country and there have been numerous instances of non-citizens who broke it being ordered to pay a fine of BAD$6,000 before being allowed to leave. One recent case has gathered attention for its particular severity — a 49-year-old Jamaican was sentenced to 6 months in prison after not being given enough time to gather money for the fine.

The country’s Immigration Act (February 1976) provides that “A person who is refused permission to enter Barbados may be detained in custody by an immigration officer or a member of the Police Force in such place as the Minister approves until he is removed from Barbados.”

The U.S. Department of State 2018 Human Rights Practices Report for Barbados mentions that the country does not have legal provisions for granting asylum or refugee status.

There is little available information about how many people are detained for immigration- or asylum-related reasons or the extent to which the country imposes migrant-related detention measures.

16 February 2021

United States

New Immigration Detention Beds Operated by Private Prison Companies Diagram, (Human Rights Watch, American Civil Liberties Union, and National Immigrant Justice Centre, “Justice-Free Zones: U.S. Immigration Detention Under the Trump Administration,” April 2020,
New Immigration Detention Beds Operated by Private Prison Companies Diagram, (Human Rights Watch, American Civil Liberties Union, and National Immigrant Justice Centre, “Justice-Free Zones: U.S. Immigration Detention Under the Trump Administration,” April 2020,
New U.S. President Joseph Biden issued a series of immigration-related executive orders that roll back signature--and highly controversial--programs of the Trump administration. At the same time, reports have surfaced about how guards at privately operated immigration detention centres--which greatly expanded under Trump--threatened detainees with exposure to COVID-19 if they resisted being deported, adding fuel to criticism of the Biden administration’s failure to include immigration detention centres in an executive order ending private management of federal prisons.

Among the targets of Biden’s executive orders was the Trump administration’s controversial children separation policy. One order established an Interagency Task Force on the Reunification of Families tasked with reuniting children separated from their families at the U.S.-Mexico border; another order revoked the Trump administration’s executive order justifying the child separation policy.

The Biden administration has also sought to end some of the roadblocks put up by the Trump administration that prevented people from Central America from seeking asylum in the United States. Biden ordered the development of a strategy to address irregular migration and amend the existing asylum system, including by ensuring that Central American refugees and asylum seekers have access to legal avenues to migrate to the United States. He also directed the State Department and the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) to review mechanisms for better identifying and processing individuals from the so-called Northern Triangle, who may be eligible for refugee resettlement.

The order also addressed “the underlying factors leading to migration in the region and ensure coherence of United States Government positions'' and directs the Secretary of Homeland Security to “promptly review and determine whether to terminate or modify the program known as the Migrant Protection Protocols (MPP).” The administration subsequently announced that it had stopped enrolling people in the MPP, which required asylum seekers to wait for their court hearings in Mexico. Reuters reported that, in total, under the MPP, 65,000 asylum seekers were sent back to Mexico to wait out their asylum claims, many languishing in degrading and dangerous situations just across the border.

In a separate though related development, President Biden signed an executive order curtailing privatization of federal prisons. The order provides that the “Attorney General shall not renew the Justice Department of Justice contracts with privately operated criminal detention facilities.” During a White House press briefing, Susan Rice, the president’s domestic policy adviser, stated that the new policy only applies to Justice Department contracts with private prisons and not immigration detention centres operated on behalf of Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). Rice said that the order “addresses the Department of Justice prisons in the first instance, it is silent on what may or may not transpire with ICE facilities.”

The failure to include ICE facilities has been widely criticised. During the final three years of the Trump administration, the use of private prisons to detain migrants increased significantly, including at least 24 facilities and adding more than 17,000 beds. A report published by the American Civil Liberties Union, Human Rights Watch, and the National Immigrant Justice Centre, found that private prison companies house 91 percent of all people detained in immigration detention centres opened under the Trump administration. Of the immigration detention beds added under Trump, CoreCivic holds 28 percent, GEO Group holds 20 percent, LaSalle corrections holds 37 percent, and Management and Training Corporation holds 6 percent. By comparison, the county jails operate a mere 9 percent.

Commenting on the Biden administration’s failure to include privately operated ICE facilities in its privatization order, Jelena Aparac, Chair-Rapporteur of the UN Working Group on the use of mercenaries, said: “Ending the reliance on privately run prisons for federal prisoners is an encouraging step, but further action is needed. Given the magnitude of mass incarceration in the U.S., this decision will benefit only the very small percentage of federal prisoners who are held in private prisons and specifically excludes vulnerable people held in migrant and asylum centres who are at particular risk of serious human rights violations.”

A 6 February report in The Intercept highlights the inhuman conditions that migrants can face in privately operated immigration detention centres. It describes the mistreatment of migrants held at the Pine Prairie ICE Processing Centre in Louisiana, operated by the private prison company GEO Group. Three Cameroonian asylum-seekers were reportedly threatened with exposure to COVID-19 if they resisted transfer orders. The guard threatened to move the migrants to the Bravo-Alpha detention unit, where detainees who have tested positive to COVID-19 are held. One detainee said that “they were forcing us out of the dorm, pushing and dragging us. … They threatened to call the SWAT team. They said they were going to put all of us into Bravo-Alpha, which is for quarantine, where they keep everyone with coronavirus.” After being threatened, the migrants were placed in a van with other detainees and transferred to a centre in Alexandria, prior to their scheduled deportation flight. However, their deportation flight was put on hold after a coalition of NGOs submitted an affidavit to the DHS Office of Inspector General detailing violent tactics employed by officials to pressure detainees to submit to deportation.

Some observers have expressed concerns that President Biden’s executive orders have not adequately addressed abuses in the U.S. deportation system. DHS issued a memorandum ordering a 100-day moratorium on deportations and revoked a Trump administration policy directing federal authorities to prioritise the arrest and deportation of undocumented migrants (PBS 20 January 2021). The memorandum sought to prevent the deportation of migrants for low-level criminal charges. Advocates have nonetheless raised concerns as the memorandum was weakened by a court. On 25 January, a federal judge in Texas, barred the U.S. government from enforcing the deportation ban for 14 days as the judge considered that the Biden administration had failed “to provide any concrete, reasonable justification for a 100-day pause on deportations.” Yet, according to the Associated Press, while the order barred enforcement of the moratorium for 14 days, it does not require deportations to resume at their previous pace. This order was subsequently extended on 9 February for an additional 14 days.

On 1 February, the Associated Press reported that ICE had deported 15 people to Jamaica on 28 January and 269 people to Guatemala and Honduras on 29 January. According to the report, some of the people on board those deportation flights may have been expelled under a public health order invoked by former President Trump during the COVID-19 crisis (for more information, see 21 November and 10 November USA updates on this platform).

12 February 2021


Beritza Colina, who travelled from Caracas to Bogotá, Waits with her Children to be Evacuated at a Clinic for Migrants, (Joe Parkin Daniels,
Beritza Colina, who travelled from Caracas to Bogotá, Waits with her Children to be Evacuated at a Clinic for Migrants, (Joe Parkin Daniels, "'I can build a real life': Colombia to grant legal status to Venezuelan migrants," The Guardian, 11 February 2021,
On 8 February 2021, Colombian President Iván Duque announced that the country would give protected status to almost one million undocumented Venezuelan migrants present in the country, a move that contrasted sharply with the government’s previous declarations opposing vaccinations for undocumented migrants. President Duque said that the protective status would last 10 years, enabling migrants to “normalise” their situations in the country. The UN High Commissioner for Refugees described the move as an “historic gesture” and “an example to the region and the rest of the whole world.” The measure will enable undocumented Venezuelan nationals to apply for temporary protected status, allowing them to work, seek permanent residency, and obtain access to health services in the country.

The new measure will now also allow Venezuelan migrants to receive COVID-19 vaccinations. In his announcement on 8 February, Duque urged the international community to help fund vaccination efforts for migrants. Colombia has been hard-hit by the pandemic. As of February 2021, it had recorded over 2.1 million cases of COVID-19 and almost 57,000 related deaths related. (For more information about Colombia, see the GDP’s December 2020 Colombia country report: “Immigration Detention in Colombia: At the Crossroads of the Americas,”

11 February 2021

New Zealand

S. Kilgallon, “No Crime, no Charge - the Asylum Seekers Welcomed to NZ with Jailtime,” stuff, 27 December 2020,
S. Kilgallon, “No Crime, no Charge - the Asylum Seekers Welcomed to NZ with Jailtime,” stuff, 27 December 2020,
New Zealand has received fresh criticism for the prolonged detention of people in asylum and immigration enforcement procedures since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic. The Asylum Seekers Support Trust and other civil society observers have criticised the government’s handling of detained asylum seekers, as well as the lack of support provided those granted status. During the pandemic, many people have been unable to apply for benefits or employment. Prison detainees facing deportation, as well as long-term overstayers, have also reported facing longer periods in confinement stemming from COVID-19 travel restrictions.

New Zealand’s migration-related detention procedures have received criticism since before the pandemic started. In early 2019, Amnesty International reported: “As of March [2019], there were eight asylum seekers held in a correctional facility alongside criminal remand prisoners. Under law, asylum seekers could be detained if they were considered to pose a risk to national security or if there were doubts as to their identities or risks of them absconding. Lawyers and support agencies remained concerned about their safety, well-being, and length of time in detention”.

While New Zealand appears to place comparatively few people in immigration detention, detention stays are often extremely long. According to one report, during 2015-2019, “the average detention of the 86 people held in these situations was 166 days. Eleven of those have spent more than 400 days in prison. The longest period an asylum-seeker has been held in a New Zealand prison is 1178 days – or just over three years” (S. Kilgallon, 27.12.20).

In December 2020, 1News reported on the case of a man detained for three years: “1 NEWS can reveal the man spent three years and one month in prison while waiting for his claim to be processed, which turned out to be valid. In 2017, he was arrested and sent to Waikeria Prison to be processed for deportation. That’s when he claimed asylum. He was never charged and was held in the remand wing of the prison. Applications for asylum were twice rejected and Immigration New Zealand deemed him at risk of absconding. In a statement, it said the man’s detention was drawn out because he had made multiple appeals. It said the system is meant for people claiming asylum on arrival, or while they’re legally here. [Amnesty International] put pressure on Immigration NZ and in March of this year the man was released. Out of jail, the man found it much easier to gather evidence for his claim, and in September, on his third appeal, he was granted protected person status by the Immigration and Protection Tribunal.”

Another case, of a 29-year old Somali called Yayha who had claimed asylum at Auckland International Airport, was reported in the New Zealand Herald, where he described the trauma he experienced at the hands of the prisoners at Mt. Eden Correctional Facility during his 6-month detention. Newshub reported a case of a person detained for 17 months at Mt. Eden, in contrast to the 28 days that his lawyer had told him.

After 13 March 2020, the government stopped accepting its yearly quota of refugees. In October 2020, a small number of emergency priority refugee cases were accepted, 50 of whom had arrived by 26 January 2021. On 5 February 2021, Immigration New Zealand announced the limited resumption of the quota refugee resettlement, starting with 35 arrivals in February to be housed in the Māngere Refugee Resettlement Centre.

10 February 2021


J. Charles, “COVID-19 has reached Haiti’s overcrowded prisons. Some fear a human rights disaster,” Miami Herald, 27 May 2020,
J. Charles, “COVID-19 has reached Haiti’s overcrowded prisons. Some fear a human rights disaster,” Miami Herald, 27 May 2020,
Haiti reported its first two positive COVID-19 cases on 20 March 2020. As a response, the government implemented policies such as the closing of airports, ports, schools, and factories, limits on gatherings, and a curfew. The shared border with the Dominican Republic (DR) was also officially closed, yet border crossings persisted in practice and were recorded by the International Organisation for Migration (IOM). They report that from 17 March 2020 to 30 November 2020, 602,352 cumulative movements were recorded into Haiti from the DR and 389,645 movements out of Haiti into the DR.

Haiti reportedly has one of the most overcrowded prison systems in the world, with around two thirds of the prison population being in pretrial detention. According to the National Human Rights Network, prisons may house around 80 people in small rooms where 10 to 20 people should be living under normal circumstances. The rooms tend to have poor ventilation, there have reportedly been mask shortages for staff, and prisoners are often not allowed to leave their rooms due to staff shortages. In April 2020, the director of the National Prison System began to decongest prisons by preparing a list of prisoners to be released to the Justice Ministry. According to the Miami Herald, with international pressure from the United Nations and the United States building up, the country released 459 prisoners from 19 March to 15 April 2020. By the end of May 2020, some 800 had reportedly been released in total. The National Human Rights Network considered these insufficient, since the prison population was over 11,000 at the time. In mid-May 2020, the first cases of COVID-19 were recorded in the Port-au-Prince penitentiary, with 11 out of 12 tested individuals being positive. Subsequently, they were kept away from the rest of the prison population. However, there was a lack of further testing within the prison, where dozens of people reported symptoms. On 28 May, a 72-year old man with COVID-19 symptoms died without having been tested.

It is unclear to what degree non-citizens are detained in Haitian prisons, and whether anyone is detained for purely immigration-related reasons. Due to its several political, economic, and environmental crises in the last decades, Haiti has long been a critical country of origin in the Caribbean, which has experienced successive waves of refugees and migrants, many heading to the United States. Haiti hosts a very small number of refugees and asylum seekers, with no more than five in any given year since 2015, who come from Cuba, Ethiopia, Yemen, and Nigeria.

09 February 2021


Camp Canarias 50 Viewed from Above in Gran Canaria on 26 January 2021, (Borja Suarez, Reuters,
Camp Canarias 50 Viewed from Above in Gran Canaria on 26 January 2021, (Borja Suarez, Reuters, "Spain: New migrant camps in the Canary Islands," InfoMigrants, 27 January 2021,
During the past year Spain’s Canary Islands, situated off the western coast of North Africa, have witnessed a surge in migrant and asylum-seeker arrivals, a recurring situation that emerges when migration routes elsewhere in Africa are blocked. According to the Spanish Interior Ministry, the number of maritime arrivals during 2020 was eight times higher than in 2019: 23,023 compared to the previous year’s 2,687. In the first two weeks of 2021, 1,069 arrivals were registered. With Spanish authorities refusing to transfer arrivals to mainland Spain during the pandemic, thousands have found themselves trapped on the islands.

Responding to the restrictions of movement imposed on asylum seekers on the Canaries, the Spanish Ombudsman (Defensor del Pueblo) sent a “reminder of legal duty” (or “recordatorio de deber legal”) to the Interior Ministry in early February, stating that the police could not limit the right to freedom of movement for people seeking international protection, as established by law in 2009 and reaffirmed by several Supreme Court decisions. The Interior Ministry has pointed to increasing pressures on Spain’s asylum system, reporting that between January-November 2020, the country received nearly 85,000 asylum requests, with the majority of requests submitted by people from Venezuela, Colombia, and Honduras.

With the number of maritime arrivals in Gran Canaria on the rise, authorities have opened two new reception centres in unused military facilities, replacing a makeshift camp on Arguinéguin Pier. However, according to various reports, rather than providing arrivals with safe and dignified open accommodation, officials are detaining many new arrivals for 10 days at the newly opened Barranco Seco CATE (not to be confused with the long-term detention facility, Barranco Seco CIE), which has had freezing and cramped tented conditions. This far exceeds the 72-hour detention limit in place at the facility. It is unclear whether arrivals placed in the second facility--the “Leon School” in Las Palmas--are facing similar detention situations. However, reports indicate that many migrants and asylum seekers are unable to leave the school out of fear of attacks from the local community (several have complained of locals threatening them with knives and guns).

According to media reports, the opening of these new sites has fueled frustrations and fears amongst the migrant and asylum seeker community, and protests, hunger strikes, self harm, and suicide attempts have been growing increasingly frequent. El Pais reports that on 5 February, a group of 80 people--mostly from Morocco and Mauritania--were sent to a new Tenerife camp called Las Raíces. When they arrived, they found tents filled with mud and water, and were forced to take refuge on bunk beds under blankets. A Moroccan man scheduled to be moved to the camp and interviewed by the newspaper said, “The center in Tenerife is a freezer. And it’s a way of holding us all together in order to deport us to Morocco. We don’t want to go back. Ever.”

A COVID-19 outbreak has been reported at Tenerife’s Hoya Fría CIE detention centre, which re-opened in November 2020 following a nine month closure. As of 3 February, 21 detainees were reported to have contracted the virus--a figure that represents 31 percent of the facility’s current population (67 detainees)--and one detainee with underlying health conditions has been transferred to hospital for treatment. The centre was previously criticised for its conditions, and Cáritas Diocesana de Tenerife--which visits the facility--has stated that CIEs such as Hoya Fría are “places that violate human rights.” In January, conditions reportedly worsened in the wake of Storm Filomena, which caused flooding in corridors and the collapse of several areas of roof. The Spanish National Police Union (JUPOL) in Tenerife has called for Hoya Fría’s immediate closure.

08 February 2021

Congo (Republic)

NHRC and UNDP Training Seminar in Brazzaville on 28 January 2021, (T. Bosley,
NHRC and UNDP Training Seminar in Brazzaville on 28 January 2021, (T. Bosley, "La CNDH et le PNUD Congo Lancent la Plateforme de Monitoring des Droits de l'Homme," Panoramik-Actu, 29 Janvier 2021,
According to UNHCR, as of mid-2020 the Republic of Congo (RoC)--which is facing the double threat of COVID-19 and Ebola--was hosting 43,656 refugees and asylum seekers and 304,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs). Refugees and asylum seekers are primarily from the neighbouring Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Central African Republic, and Rwanda.

On March 15, 2020, the first positive case of COVID-19 was reported. As of 31 January 2021, the RoC had recorded 7,887 cumulative COVID-19 cases and 117 deaths.

The government’s COVID-19 response included the establishment of a State of Health Emergency on 31 March 2020 and nationwide lockdown measures from 1 April 2020, which included movement restrictions, curfews, and shutdowns of schools and non-essential businesses. UNHCR reported that asylum seekers and refugees faced difficulties coping with surging food prices and decreased business activity, depriving people of their incomes, as well as the geographic inaccessibility of COVID-19 testing sites.

UNHCR’s health-related activities included: “[installing] 20 refugee housing units (RHUs) at the Bouemba site to serve as a reception centre for suspected COVID19 cases, equipping the facilities with beds, water supply and latrines. In Gamboma, UNHCR also supported the rehabilitation of the COVID-19 patients isolation site. Overall, UNHCR equipped and supported 8 health centres during the COVID-19 response, as well as established four isolation and quarantine centres, with room for a total of 60 patients. UNHCR also equipped an additional three isolation centres in areas hosting refugees and asylum-seekers.” The refugee agency also gave out core relief items and cash assistance to vulnerable populations.

In September 2020, a meeting on preventing the spread of COVID-19 pandemic in private places took place with the participation of civil society, humanitarian actors, the penitentiary, and doctors, amongst others. At the meeting, the Christian Action for the Abolition of Torture in Congo (ACAT) and its International Federation (FIACAT) called for improved conditions for prisoners in the country in order to curb the spread of COVID-19. They denounced the conditions in prisons, which include poor health, transport, drinking water, and electricity provision. The director general of the prison administration also conducted a presentation on the problems of managing the response to COVID-19, where he stated that as soon as positive cases were reported in the country, a crisis unit was set up as part of the strategy against the virus in prisons (maisons d’arrêt). He further claimed that no new detainees had been received in the prisons (maisons d’arrêt) and outlined the activities within the centres. These included employing detainees in making masks, the continued education and preparation for state exams, as well as the disinfection and fumigation of centres.

On 28 January 2021, the RoC’s National Human Rights Commission and the UNDP held a seminar in which they launched a human rights monitoring platform, responsible for documenting and disseminating material on human rights, as well as training librarians and archivists. The president of the National Human Rights Commission said that the platform would serve the monitoring of recommendations made by the Universal Periodic Review, CEDAW and other international mechanisms for the protection of human rights. It is not yet clear to what extent this monitoring mechanism will seek to review the treatment of refugees and other vulnerable non-citizens in the country.

04 February 2021


R. Hodzic, “Plight of Syrian Refugees in Lebanon Must Not be Ignored,” Al Jazeera, 26 January 2021,
R. Hodzic, “Plight of Syrian Refugees in Lebanon Must Not be Ignored,” Al Jazeera, 26 January 2021,
Lebanon, which is currently under a strict lockdown that includes a 24/7 curfew, recently witnessed a surge in COVID-19 cases. On 27 January, the country’s interim health minister announced that every person in the country---regardless of their nationality--would receive a COVID-19 vaccination. Questions remain, however, whether many refugees will be willing to present themselves for vaccinations, given their vulnerability to arrest and detention.

Previously, health officials had stated that the government would only take responsibility for vaccinating Lebanese nationals, and that UN agencies would be responsible for distributing the vaccine to the country’s large refugee population. Some social media users--riled up by xenophobic political rhetoric--have openly called for the distribution of vaccines “exclusively” to Lebanese citizens, with some using the hashtag “#اللقاح_للبناني_أولاً” (vaccine for the Lebanese first). One Twitter user wrote: “No country in the world allows any person on its soil to be vaccinated before its citizens are vaccinated. The United Nations must complete its delivery of the vaccine to all Lebanese before we allow any doses to be delivered to a stranger.”

Human Rights Watch has responded to this rhetoric by re-affirming that “Discrimination on the basis of national origin or residency status is contrary to international law, and in particular would violate Lebanon’s obligations under the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (CERD) and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR).”

As previously reported on this platform (see 2 June 2020 update), refugees face significant barriers in Lebanon. A large proportion lack legal status, leaving them with limited access to essential services including health care, and vulnerable to arrest and detention. Some local authorities also allegedly used the pandemic to further isolate refugees from the general population, introducing restrictions that do not apply to Lebanese citizens. This, coupled with a deteriorating economic situation--with Lebanon suffering its worst economic crisis since the Civil War, a situation exacerbated by the pandemic and the August Beirut port explosion--has seen frustrations rise amongst refugees, 90 percent of whom reported to UNHCR in July that they had lost their incomes or witnessed salary reductions.

The country’s social, economic, and political woes have also prompted growing frustrations amongst Lebanese nationals. Since August, the number of irregular boats attempting the journey from Lebanon to Cyprus is reported to have significantly risen. (The UN reports that it tracked 30 boats between July and October 2020, compared to 17 throughout 2019. For more, see 12 November Cyprus update on this platform.) Numerous reports have alleged that Cypriot authorities have denied Lebanese asylum seekers the opportunity to lodge applications, instead immediately returning them to Lebanon.

04 February 2021

United Kingdom

J. Shenker, “Locked in Barracks with Covid Running Rampant. Is This Any Way to Treat Asylum Seekers?” The Guardian, 27 January 2021,
J. Shenker, “Locked in Barracks with Covid Running Rampant. Is This Any Way to Treat Asylum Seekers?” The Guardian, 27 January 2021,
Since opening as asylum accommodation in October 2020, the UK’s Napier Barracks--formerly military barracks operated by the Ministry of Defence--have been the subject of intense criticism. Run by a private contractor (Clearsprings, which stands to make £1 billion in ten years from its government contracts to run asylum centres in Wales and South East England), Napier is not officially a detention centre. However, newly arrived asylum seekers are transferred to the facility before any determination of their status has been made, and they are “effectively forced to remain while their refugee claims are considered.” The facility has been regularly criticised for overcrowding, limited access to healthcare and legal advice, and unsuitable accommodation conditions, with several images showing bedsheets hung up to create privacy, and overflowing toilet blocks. One Iranian asylum seeker told the Guardian, “The first impression I had was it looked like a prison. There were fences, security guards walking around, I was really depressed. … There is no support for mental wellbeing. We have one nurse on site, in case you get a cold or flu. People are getting more and more frustrated.”

In mid-January the facility witnessed a large COVID-19 outbreak during which more than 120 asylum seekers contracted the virus. Accounts from those inside the facility paint a bleak picture: the centre’s management allegedly failed to adopt health measures to protect against infection and instead treated the entire facility as “one big house”--allowing the virus to spread rapidly and seemingly uncontrollably.

Activists and rights advocates, calling for the immediate closure of the facility, have held frequent protests outside the barracks. A freelance photographer who photographed one such protest on 28 January was arrested on suspicion of criminal damage--and had his camera and memory card confiscated. The photographer, 46 year old Andy Aitchison, commented, “It feels like a light has been shone on them and they’ve got the sledgehammer out. It’s censorship: if you don’t toe the line, we shut you down.”

The day after Aitchison’s arrest, a fire started in one of the barracks’ blocks, leaving the rest of the facility without electricity, heating, and drinking water. Charities who offered to provide blankets were reportedly turned away. Responding to the fire, the UK’s Home Secretary Priti Patel immediately condemned the event and warned that the Home Office would take action against those “vandalising property” while also justifying the continued use of the military space for accommodating asylum seekers. She tweeted, “The site has previously accommodated our brave soldiers and army personnel - it is an insult to say that it is not good enough for these individuals.” However, as one lawyer representing an asylum seeker in the facility responded, “My client, a victim of torture, having fled the civil war in Darfur is not being ‘accommodated’ - he is being detained in a military camp, in ear shot of regular gun fire from MoD [Ministry of Defence] firing range, trapped with 400 other ppl, at least 120 of whom have covid, and no proper healthcare.”

02 February 2021


Frambois Detention Centre Seen From Outside in 2011, (Fernand Melgar,
Frambois Detention Centre Seen From Outside in 2011, (Fernand Melgar, "Le directeur de la prison genevoise de Frambois sous enquête administrative," RTS, 3 April 2013,
On 26 January 2021, the SRF/RTS reported that the Asylum Departure Centre in Aarwangen was placed under quarantine by the Canton of Bern because 19 of its 100 inhabitants had tested positive for COVID-19. They also closed the facility’s kindergarten and school. On 29 January 2021, the Canton reported that the number of positive cases had increased to 32, one of which a mutated version of the virus (it was not explicitly stated that the mutation was the B117 strain).

Asylum seekers at the Aarwangen centre have said that there has been over-congestion, as well as mismanagement of early isolation orders and sanitary conditions. An article in Berner Zeitung (30 January 2021) reported that a woman and her five family members, who all tested positive for COVID-19, were not receiving food, and that the woman had to go to the closest town herself to shop. Residents were reportedly provided with just one mask a week. A former centre employee confirmed that even though several people had warned them early on, the centre management ignored the impending danger of infections and let the situation escalate until the canton had to intervene and pay for the inhabitants’ food.

A SRF/RTS journalist, after exchanges with operators of the asylum centre, described how the quarantine situation (in terms of respecting hygiene rules and cohabitation) largely depends on the actions of those housed in the centre. For young men at the centre who face negative asylum decisions and deportation, the added health crisis worsens the difficult situation they find themselves in. A spokesperson ORS Service AG, which operates the centres, denounced criticism of operations at the centre. He argued that there is a tense atmosphere there even including attacks on staff, as well as instances of quarantined residents failing to follow internal health and safety regulations and instead mingling with other people.

The Swiss National Commission for the Prevention of Torture published a report on 18 January 2021 on the situation in the Federal Asylum Centres in Boudry, Balerna, Chiasso, Geneva Airport, Kappelen, Kreuzlingen, "Via Motta" (Chiasso), and ”Halle 9 Oerlikon," which is operated by the city of Zurich. According to their findings, the accommodation of asylum seekers by the federal government conforms with human and fundamental rights, and they welcomed initiatives like primary school lessons and addiction consultations. Moting areas where improvement was needed, including better conflict prevention and resolution, and responding to complaints, they also reported that there is room for improvement in the identification of vulnerable people, access to basic psychiatric care, disciplinary measures and, infrastructure.

The cantonal authorities in Bern re-opened four centres for asylum seekers in 2020 in order to cope with the pandemic, in Gampelen, Enggistein (Worb), Konolfingen and Beatenberg, according to a 16 July 2020 letter from the Office for Population Services.

Irrespective of the pandemic, new centres are also planned in Switzerland for other purposes. On 2 February 2021, SRF/RTS reported that Neuchâtel would open two new reception centres for migrants in the coming months, aiming for their professional and social integration into local society. A “Special Federal Asylum Centre” in Les Verrières (Neuchâtel) is also to be reopened by the federal authorities in mid-February 2021. According to a press statement by the State Secretariat of Migration (2 February 2021), it will be reopened to house disruptive male asylum seekers from other federal asylum centres and will have stricter exit and safety rules. These developments follow media coverage of apparent increasing criminality around federal asylum centres (C. Liechti, 7 January 2021).

Deportations continue to be carried out by the Swiss authorities. Most recently, the planned forced return of five people to Ethiopia on 27 January 2021 was criticised by Amnesty International, AsyLex, and Migrant Solidarity Network. On 25 January 2021, Amnesty International demanded a halt in all forced returns to Ethiopia from Switzerland in light of the tense security situation and human rights violations in the country. On 26 January 2021, RTS reported that the deportations of two of the Ethiopians represented by AsyLex were suspended by the UN Committee against Torture (CAT) and the Committee for the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW).

30 January 2021

South Sudan

UN News, “South Sudan: Coronavirus Cases Confirmed Inside UN Civilian Protection Site,” 13 May 2020,
UN News, “South Sudan: Coronavirus Cases Confirmed Inside UN Civilian Protection Site,” 13 May 2020,
South Sudan is one of the largest countries of refugee origin in Africa. An , westimated 2.2 million South Sudanese have fled the country. At the same time, it hosts a considerable refugee population. According to the UNHCR, South Sudan was hosting 310,006 refugees as of November 2020, 98 percent of whom were living in camps and settlements. They primarily come from neighbouring Sudan (93 percent), with smaller numbers from Democratic Republic of Congo, Ethiopia, and Central African Republic. The country also faces large internal displacement. UNHCR estimates that there were 1.66 million internally displaced persons (IDPs) as of February 2020.

At the beginning of the pandemic, the Reconstituted Joint Monitoring and Evaluation Commission (RJMEC) reported that the already perilous economic situation and food insecurity in the country had been magnified by the COVID-19 lockdown measures. It also noted that voluntary returns of refugees were cut short by the pandemic, as borders to neighbouring Uganda and Sudan were closed. The Protection of Civilian (PoC) sites, which house a significant number of displaced people, had also been classified as locations at risk of COVID-19 due to their large and congested populations.

On 5 April 2020, the first case of COVID-19 in South Sudan was announced. Fearing that the virus would spread uncontrollably in the PoC sites for which UNMISS was responsible, the UN’s Special Representative of the Secretary General in South Sudan called for site residents to return to their villages voluntarily in a radio interview on 7 May 2020.

The first two positive COVID-19 cases in PoC sites were recorded on 13 May 2020 in Juba. The subsequent closing of the site by the government, even to humanitarian actors, prompted criticism for the deadly consequences for its inhabitants. The Camp Coordination and Camp Management (CCCM) Cluster in South Sudan reported as of November 2020 the following confirmed COVID-19 cases of IDPs in PoC sites: 6, including staff, in Juba (Population 29,658), 11 in Bentiu (Population 99,052) and 40 in Malakal (Population 27,930).

By December 2020, several UN agencies warned about the acute hunger crisis in the country, which is driven by “insecurity, the effects of COVID-19, the economic crisis, and the impact of flooding”. As of 28 January 2021, South Sudan has recorded 3929 COVID-19 cases in total.

28 January 2021


N. Ahmado, “Syrian Activists Fear COVID-19 Outbreak in Syria's Underground Prisons,” Voice of America, 21 November 2020,
N. Ahmado, “Syrian Activists Fear COVID-19 Outbreak in Syria's Underground Prisons,” Voice of America, 21 November 2020,
According to the Syrian Network for Human Rights (SNHR), the number of confirmed cases of COVID-19 have steadily risen across Syria - in large part because key parties (both regime and opposition) have failed to take adequate steps to protect against the virus. By the end of 2020, 39,728 cases had been reported (11,434 in areas under the control of the regime; 20,270 in areas under the control of the Syrian National Army; and 8,024 in areas under the control of the Syrian Democratic Forces). SNHR reports however, that the true number of cases is expected to be far higher due to insufficient testing.

The country’s large population of internally displaced persons (IDPs) - currently estimated to number 6.4 million - is particularly vulnerable to the virus, with many living in overcrowded camps in which social distancing is impossible. In October 2020, a doctor in Idlib told the BBC that COVID was already “out of control” in the region’s IDP camps. “We don’t have many places for people in camps, we don’t have many medikits for this.” As in many areas of Syria, healthcare services in Idlib Governorate have repeatedly been targeted by regime airstrikes - leaving them overwhelmed and underprepared for the new crisis.

Since the start of the pandemic, there have been growing concerns over the safety and well being of people incarcerated in the country, including the thousands of Syrians arbitrarily detained during the conflict. In early March, Human Rights Watch (HRW) warned that an outbreak within prisons would be “catastrophic.” As of August 2020, some 100,000 Syrians remain “disappeared” having been arrested by different parties. A large number are believed to remain within the regime’s network of prisons, which are notorious for their abysmal conditions and widespread and systematic use of torture. “The Syrian Network for Human Rights can confirm that most of the detainees, especially in the four main security branches and military prisons, have a space per person not exceeding 70cm2 in cells that lack any ventilation or the most basic standards of cleanliness.” To-date, the regime has failed to clarify whether it has taken any steps to protect detainees, or to report on the number of COVID cases within its cells. However, in a security leak from Damascus in March 2020, 816 persons in Adra prison were reported to have contracted the virus and 204 were alleged to have died.

Although there is little available information regarding the use of immigration detention in Syria, significant numbers of foreigners are known to be detained in locked camps by authorities in the northeast of the country. Foreign nationals who traveled to join IS, or to live within its “caliphate,” were rounded up by the Syrian Democratic Forces and have since been detained in conditions described by HRW as “filthy and often inhuman and life-threatening.” In June 2020, HRW highlighted the detention of 47 Canadians (including 26 children) in makeshift prisons, and urged Canadian authorities to facilitate their return home and initiate their trial for ISIS-related crimes. In August 2020, the first COVID-19 case was confirmed in Al-Hol detention camp, which was holding some 65,000 people at the time.

27 January 2021


UNHCR, “Asile au Liechtenstein,”
UNHCR, “Asile au Liechtenstein,”
One of the smallest countries in Europe, Liechtenstein had recorded 2,454 cases of COVID-19 as of 26 January 2021. Following confirmation of the first COVID-19 case in the country on 3 March 2020, the government imposed various restrictive measures, including a ban on all public and private events, a prohibition for more than five people to gather in public spaces, and the closure of all bars and nightclubs.

There is little available information regarding the treatment of migrants and asylum seekers during the crisis. The country receives just a handful of asylum applications each year (39 in 2019). According to UNHCR, many of these applications are found to be inadmissible, largely on Dublin III grounds, but also due to controversial admissibility grounds provided in the Asylum Act (see below for more information).

According to UNHCR - which describes Liechtenstein’s asylum system as “similar to the Swiss system” - applicants are initially placed in a reception centre in Vaduz (or other accommodation provided by the State) during asylum proceedings. Applicants are provided legal advice from government-commissioned lawyers following the first instance decision.

Following a recommendation from Brazil during the second cycle of the UN Universal Periodic Review in 2012 urging Liechtenstein to “Reduce the permissible length of administrative detention of asylum seekers, especially children,” the state party rejected the suggestion. It noted, “The Asylum Act and the Foreigners Act set out the maximum duration of administrative detention of asylum-seekers. For adults, it is six months. For minors between the ages of 15 and 18, it is three months. Younger persons may not be placed in administrative detention. In Liechtenstein's view, the maximum duration of administrative detention complies with international standards and is not disproportionately long.” In 2008, the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture reported that non-nationals are detained in Vaduz Prison. The GDP does not have evidence about whether this facility continues to provide this function today.

In January 2017, Liechtenstein introduced new asylum admissibility grounds following amendments to the Asylum Act. Some of the grounds were heavily criticised. For example, Article 20 Para. 1 (g) provides that an applicant will be found inadmissible if their behaviour shows that they are unwilling or unable to integrate. In its 2017 submission on Liechtenstein to the Universal Periodic Review, UNHCR noted that it was “concerned that some of these new admissibility grounds will lead to exclusion from refugee status beyond the exclusion clauses of the 1951 Convention (Art. 1F).

25 January 2021


Two Children and an Official at the Pournara Migrant Camp, (Cyprus Mail,
Two Children and an Official at the Pournara Migrant Camp, (Cyprus Mail, "Children in Migrant Centres Denied Basic Human Rights, Says Top Official," 20 January 2021,
As of late January, the prolonged forced quarantine of migrants and asylum seekers continued at the Temporary Accommodation Centre in Kokkinotrimithia (“Pournara”) and the Kofinou Reception and Accommodation Centre, under strict lockdown since mid-November 2020. This has caused tensions among the migrants in the already overpopulated centres, and put unaccompanied children at the facilities at increased risk of harm.

Several positive COVID-19 cases have been confirmed at both centres. On 17 November 2020, 16 people at the Kofinou centre tested positive. Riots erupted after they refused to be transferred elsewhere to prevent its spread, though authorities were eventually able to transfer 14 to the Eden Resort rehabilitation centre and the remaining two to Famagusta hospital. The Interior Minister characterised the riots as an “unfortunate cultural phenomenon” in a televised interview. In contrast, an adviser to the Cyprus Refugee Council said that the migrants’ reactions can be understood in the light of the strict lockdown. As many of these people have been living at the centre for years, many feared that they would be deported.

On 4 December 2020, the Cyprus Ombudswoman and Commissioner for Administration and Human Rights conducted a visit to Pournara Centre. In her 14-page report, she called for permits to be given immediately to 200 individuals (including 13 unaccompanied minors) who were eligible to exit the camp facility, but were previously prevented by the lockdown decree. She also criticised the detention of the migrants in isolation areas for longer than 14 days, and the poor hygiene, electricity (some sections had none), and safety provisions in the quarantine areas. She reported that there were 968 people residing at the centre, of whom 365 were in the main area and the remaining 603 in the designated isolation and quarantine spaces (in contrast, media reports have claimed that there are more than 1,500 people at the centre). There is an additional guarded safe zone in the main area, where families and unaccompanied minors live. In the quarantine/isolation wing, there is no security zone. Additionally, 865 persons were adults and 103 were confirmed or self-reported minors. The ombudswoman reported that soap and shampoo were being provided to everyone, and that a doctor is present three days a week, while one nurse is present at all times, which the nurse said was insufficient for such a large population. At the time of the visit, 23 people with positive COVID-19 test results were living in the quarantine wing, which had only one toilet and no showers. According to the report, the overpopulation conditions at the centre are an environmental factor contributing to the increased exposure risk to COVID-19 of the detained migrants.

The extended lockdown in the centres is exasperating tensions at the centres and creating new problems and dangers. During 11-12 January, a large fight broke out between groups of Syrians and people from different African countries at Pournara, which reportedly lasted seven hours. According to the Interior Ministry, there was extensive damage to the windows, beds, furniture, and a section of fencing around the camp. The police said that over 600 people were involved, many of whom were “holding steel rods, throwing rocks, and breaching a fence that was erected earlier to keep different ethnic groups separate.” Reportedly 25-35 people had minor injuries and eight people were placed under arrest. UNHCR’s Cyprus representative said: “Overcrowded conditions at the centre and the ensuing pressure on existing infrastructure, along with the uncertainty regarding when and under what conditions they would be able to exit often triggers tensions. … Those at the centre report that they are without basic goods required for dignified living, such as warm clothes and personal hygiene products.” More recently, the detained migrants have been protesting within the camp for their rights and their immediate release. One protest happened on 23 January 2021 (Video footage: ) and another on 25 January 2021 (Photo and video footage: and According to the NGO KISA Action for Equality, Support, Anti-Racism, around 1,300 of the estimated 1,500 camp inhabitants took part in the protest on the 25th.

The lockdown has led to the detention of minors in the Centres. On 18 January 2021, the Cyprus Commissioner for the Protection of Children’s Rights sent a letter to the interior, health, and education ministries and the ombudswoman, condemning the continued detention of children due to the COVID-19 lockdown in the two reception centres, Pournara and Kofinou. She said that she does not support the decision to convert the reception centres into closed detention centres through the lockdown decree, since this constitutes a violation of the provisions of International Conventions and national laws in relation to the treatment of asylum seekers including families with children and unaccompanied minors. She writes how in Pournara, there are currently reportedly 60 unaccompanied minors, yet their safe zone is overcrowded and there are no separate quarantine areas for them. The general exit ban from the camp has also led to a stagnation of the necessary procedures for the minors to be moved outside the Centre. Turning the centre in Kofinou into a closed one has also had adverse and disproportionate effects for the children living there, depriving them of the right to attend their school from mid-November to mid-December. The commissioner said: "Based on oral information received from the Municipal and Middle Directorate of the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports and Youth, efforts were made for children to receive distance education. However, distance education involves multiple technical and practical difficulties which are still more intense for these children, and in no case can it replace the education through the physical presence of the children in the school and its benefits in their psychosocial development.”

22 January 2021


A. MC, “Medically Vulnerable Refugees in Australia Hotels Finally Freed,” Al Jazeera, 22 January 2021,
A. MC, “Medically Vulnerable Refugees in Australia Hotels Finally Freed,” Al Jazeera, 22 January 2021,
After more than a year of detention inside Melbourne hotels, 65 medically vulnerable male asylum seekers have been released. Previously confined in offshore detention facilities, the men were transferred to mainland Australia in 2019 under the now-repealed Medevac laws, so that they could receive urgent medical treatment. Since their arrival however, they have been held in hotels, including the Park Hotel and the Mantra Hotel, where they have been denied sufficient access to open space or appropriate food, subjected to “prison-like conditions” and “mental torture,” confined in rooms without adequate ventilation, and potentially exposed to COVID-19. In July 2020 a staff member working at the Mantra Hotel tested positive for the virus.

One of the detainees said of his release in a tweet: “This is the most beautiful moment of my life and one that I would like to share with you all. After 2,737 days locked up in detention – I am free. Thank you to all of the amazing people who helped me to stay strong. #GameOver.”

According to the Home Affairs Ministry, which justified the releases on a purely financial basis, all those released were granted “final departure bridging visas” which allow “individuals to temporarily reside in the Australian community while they finalise their arrangements to leave Australia.” In a statement, the ministry said: “The individuals residing in the alternative places of detention were brought to Australia temporarily for medical treatment. They are encouraged to finalise their medical treatment so they can continue on their resettlement pathway to the United States, return to Nauru or PNG or return to their home country.”

On 5 January, detainees held in the Christmas Island Detention Centre--which was reopened in August 2020 allegedly due to the pandemic’s impact upon the government’s ability to remove asylum seekers--initiated riots in protest of their detention conditions. According to one detainee who spoke to the Guardian, the facility’s management had denied detainees the opportunity to hold a peaceful protest--prompting some to react violently and set two of the compounds alight. Reportedly, detainees had been in lockdown for 22 hours a day and were denied access to workable wifi, leading to many struggling with both their physical and mental health. Describing the conditions in the facility, one refugee said, “It’s worse than jail. In jail, you know when you can go home, in detention they don’t have a timeframe for you to go home. You wait around, and you don’t know what’s happening.” Additional disturbances were also reported on 10 January.

20 January 2021


A View of the Petropoulaki Camp in Filippiada, (Ministry of Migration & Asylum,
A View of the Petropoulaki Camp in Filippiada, (Ministry of Migration & Asylum, "Facility Filippiadas," accessed on 22 January 2021,
In mid-January, Greece’s Ministry of Migration and Asylum published their annual statistics from 2020, which show a 80 percent decrease in migrant arrivals and a 63 percent decrease in the populations of its reception centres on the islands. Combined with the closure of numerous detention facilities, the ministry proclaimed that 2020 was the year that Greece “regained control” of the migration “crisis.”

In late 2020, the International Rescue Committee (IRC) published a report of the impact of long-term stays at the islands’ Reception and Identification Centres (RICs) on migrants’ mental health. A section on COVID-19 reveals its compounding negative effects on the migrants’ mental health. According to their field research, the scarce access to hygiene services like running water and soap, together with the cramped living conditions have led to further mental distress due to fear of COVID-19 infection.

The enforcement of administrative detention in pre-removal detention centres by the Greek authorities continues, despite shortcomings in healthcare provision in the centres. By mid-December 2020, 2,447 people were detained in the pre-removal detention centres: 877 in Corinth, 541 in Amygdaleza, 380 in Kos and 359 in Paranesti. According to the Refugee Support Aegean, the total number of medical staff of the Health Units Societe Anonyme (SA), which provides medical services in all of Greece’s detention centres, was 37: 8 doctors, 2 psychiatrists, 24 nurses and 3 health visitors. On average, there was one available doctor for 305.9 people. At the same time, merely 12 translators were available for all centres.

In a joint letter released on 22 December 2020, 73 local and international NGOs outline the harsh accommodation problems migrants face in Greece, which are exacerbated by continuing COVID-19 constraints and weather conditions. They condemn how around 11,000 asylum seekers were left homeless after being removed from their ESTIA apartments, FILOXENIA hotel rooms, as well as island and inland accommodation structures. The government justifies the immediate forced exits from the temporary housing structures as a measure that will make the refugees "stand on their own two feet." The letter criticises that the forced removals one month after being granted asylum prevents the asylum seekers from receiving housing, food and financial support from the European Union. Additionally, the civil society organisations are concerned about the large number of vulnerable people removed from their accommodation, including survivors of sexual violence and/or torture, people with health problems, including mental health and some form of disability, single women and single-parent families, and people from the LGBTQI+ community. Transit sites have been offered to a small number of people to offer temporary shelter up to two months.

Outbreaks of COVID-19 have been tackled with varying degrees of success in different migration facilities in the last weeks. In early January 2021, a COVID-19 outbreak was recorded in the facility for refugees and migrants ‘Sparta Inn’ in Sparta. The inhabitants of the facility are 245 officially recognised beneficiaries of international protection, of which 115 are children aged 0 to 15 years. After the first positive case on 31 December 2020, all exits from the building were forbidden until 13 January 2021 and 188 further tests were carried out, of which 21 were positive. The IOM attempted to isolate positive cases in separate floors in order to prevent the further spread of the virus. On 7 January 2021, some of the people inside broke their quarantine, went out on the sidewalks and protested. The protesting migrants were dissatisfied with the management carried out by the competent bodies and especially by the NGO that is responsible. Their complaints included matters relating to their diet and the hygiene items, but also because the healthy are obliged to live with those who have been infected with the coronavirus. They also reported that the pace of completing the procedures and issuing the documents needed to leave Greece is extremely slow. (Video footage of the protest at the Inn:

Local Greek media positively reported the COVID-19 measures taken in the Reception and Identification Center ‘Vial’ in Chios. In the past two months, only two positive cases were found among the migrant population. To prevent overwhelming the local hospital, a separate doctor's office was set up and equipped accordingly by the camp, and both an isolation and a quarantine area were set up. They also undertook preventative measures for a possible third wave, including improving its isolation area with their own baths and toilets, higher capacity and repaired electrical, plumbing and sewerage infrastructure. These positive developments are however not going to last long, as the Ministry of Immigration and Asylum has been evicted and must return the property since the lease expired in 2019. The Minister wishes to build a new camp this year, yet the local population remains hostile and wishes to decongest the island. (Sources and photos from the centre in Chios: )

Since 13 January 2021, the Preveza reception centre has been in quarantine after one person tested positive for COVID-19. Out of 35 subsequent tests of the infected person’s close contacts, 18 were positive. The centre is guarded by police forces and meetings in common areas within the camp are forbidden.

19 January 2021


German Police Officers Escort a Rejected Afghan Asylum Seeker to Board an Aircraft Heading to Kabul at an Airport in Leipzig in August 2019, (Michael Kappeler, DPA,
German Police Officers Escort a Rejected Afghan Asylum Seeker to Board an Aircraft Heading to Kabul at an Airport in Leipzig in August 2019, (Michael Kappeler, DPA, "Failed Afghan Asylum Seekers Deported from Germany Land in Kabul," Al-Jazeera, 13 January 2021,
Throughout 2020, Germany conducted numerous removal flights despite concerns regarding the dangers they present for deportees and their home communities as a result of the pandemic. (For more information on deportations from Germany, see 17 July update on this platform). Most recently--and amidst spiralling infection rates in the country--Germany deported 26 rejected Afghan asylum seekers on 12 January, from Dusseldorf to Kabul. Reportedly, this marked the 35th deportation flight to Afghanistan since 2016. Rights advocates condemned the deportation, highlighting the danger that returnees face in the country--both from surging violence and the threat of coronavirus. (Indeed, the UN has warned that five million more Afghans will be in need of assistance in 2021 due to the pandemic and conflict.)

While many countries that are rolling out COVID-19 vaccination programmes have failed to specify when non-nationals might expect to receive the vaccine, in late 2020 Germany announced that asylum seekers living in shelters would be amongst the second group to be vaccinated. It remains unclear, however, when immigration detainees may expect to receive the vaccine.

According to several media reports, several German states have drawn up plans to place German nationals repeatedly flouting self-isolation rules in establishments including detention centres and refugee accommodation facilities. Reportedly, states including Saxony, Baden-Wurttemburg, Brandenburg, and Schleswig-Holstein are in the process of preparing areas in which nationals can be held--including the construction of a new unit within a refugee facility in Saxony. According to the Telegraph, news of these plans has drawn widespread criticism in Germany, with some comparing them to the use of political prisons in communist East Germany.

18 January 2021


Guatemalan Security Forces Clash with a Group of Honduran Migrants, (Esteban Biba, EPA,
Guatemalan Security Forces Clash with a Group of Honduran Migrants, (Esteban Biba, EPA, "Migrant Caravan Trekking North to US Border Clashes with Guatemalan Troops," The Guardian, 17 January 2021,
In mid-January, as thousands of mostly Honduran migrants, including many children, began crossing the Guatemalan border as part of a new “caravan” seeking passage to the United States, Guatemalan security forces forcefully repelled them, leading to scenes of violence and chaos near the border. Videos posted on social media and news networks showed scuffles between migrants and soldiers and police trying to block their way using teargas, riot shields, and sticks.

Helping drive this humanitarian emergency are multiple crises that are afflicting Honduras, which has long suffered endemic poverty, widespread gang violence, lawlessness, and political turmoil. Aggravating this situation are the ravages of the COVID-19 pandemic and back-to-back hurricanes that struck the country last November.

According to Prensa Libre, Guatemala’s immigration chief, Guillermo Diaz, told the migrants: “You cannot and will not get through. … It is impossible for you to continue your journey. We invite you to return to your country of origin, you will not pass.” A migrant responded: “We have no work. We can’t go back. ... Back home we’re dying of hunger.” Guatemalan authorities reported that on Saturday 16 January, they had deported some 1,000 members of the “caravan,” including around 200 children. Two days later, on 18 January, Guatemalan troops forcibly cleared a road of nearly 2,000 migrants, including many families with children, who had camped overnight after the clashes with security forces. Many of the migrants subsequently returned to the nearby village of Vado Hondo, apparently in search of alternative routes.

This is just the latest in a series of “caravans” that have left Central America in recent years seeking to cross Mexico en route to the United States. However, this one comes as a change of administrations in the U.S. is imminent. Migrant rights advocates have called on President-elect Joe Biden to scrap Trump’s immigration policies, including the “Quédate en México” (Remain in Mexico) programme, officially known as Migrant Protection Protocols (for more about this policy, see the 2 November 2020 United States update on this platform). Between June 2019 and August 2020, some 65,000 people were returned from the U.S. to Mexico despite the COVID-19 pandemic (see 2 November Mexico update on this platform). This programme reportedly exposed tens of thousands of asylum seekers - many of them children - to violence, abduction, and rape by sending them back across the border into dangerous cities in Mexico (Guardian 6 January 2021).

During a press conference on 18 January, Mexico’s President López Obrador said he was hopeful that Biden would carry out reforms of U.S. immigration policies, as promised in his presidential campaign, adding that his administration was “coordinating with Central American governments, current U.S. officials, and those that will be forming the new government.” López Obrador claimed that he had proposed to Biden a development program for Central America so that people would not feel compelled to emigrate and that “Biden agreed with this approach.”

Biden’s domestic policy adviser, Susan Rice, when asked about the new migrant “caravan,” said: “Migrants and asylum seekers absolutely should not believe those in the region peddling the idea that the border will suddenly be fully open to process everyone on Day 1. It will not.”

15 January 2021


RFE/RL, “Deadly Prison Outbreak Belies Turkmenistan's 'Coronavirus-Free' Claim,” 16 October 2020,
RFE/RL, “Deadly Prison Outbreak Belies Turkmenistan's 'Coronavirus-Free' Claim,” 16 October 2020,
Despite soaring infection rates in many parts of the world, authorities in Turkmenistan continue to deny the existence of Coronavirus within the country and have failed to promote preventive measures such as social distancing. At the end of December, the country extended the suspension of international flights, as well as domestic rail and bus services, until at least 31 January 2021. Land borders with Afghanistan, Iran, Kazakhstan, and Uzbekistan are due to remain closed until further notice. The only persons permitted to enter the country are Turkmen nationals, diplomats, permanent residents, and workers in critical industries and key infrastructure--all of whom are required to quarantine for 14 days in a state-run facility upon entry. Details of this facility, and conditions within it, remain scarce.

Authorities regularly suppress and retaliate against independent media, which makes it difficult to develop a reliable picture of the situation in the country. However, reports from European-based news outlets with sources inside the country have maintained that prisons and schools have witnessed outbreaks, and that hospitals have become increasingly overcrowded with patients suffering “pneumonia-like” symptoms. In October, for example, RFE/RL reported that the DZ-K/8 Women’s Correctional Facility in Dashoguz had witnessed a “big” outbreak, in which at least three inmates had died. Reportedly, authorities established a quarantine block at the centre housing more than 200 inmates--some of whom were “in grave condition.”

Turkmenistan does not experience significant migratory pressure, and it is unclear whether any non-nationals are confined in detention facilities. Although national law provides for granting refugee status and asylum, no-one has been granted refugee status since 2009, when the Turkmen government took over Refugee Status Determination from UNHCR. No new asylum seekers have been registered since 2005.

The government routinely denies freedom of movement to its citizens. According to Turkmen law, people are to be banned from leaving “if their exit contravenes the interests of the national security of Turkmenistan.” Migration officials reportedly stop non-approved travellers at the airport to prevent them from departing. According to the U.S State Department’s 2020 Trafficking in Persons report, these policies make Turkmen nationals who wish to leave the country unofficially vulnerable to traffickers.

14 January 2021


B. Trew, “‘Left to Rot’: Inside Libya’s Squalid Detention Centres Where Migrants and Refugees Suffer a ‘Slow Death,’”The Independent, 4 September 2020,
B. Trew, “‘Left to Rot’: Inside Libya’s Squalid Detention Centres Where Migrants and Refugees Suffer a ‘Slow Death,’”The Independent, 4 September 2020,
Thousands of migrants and refugees continue to be detained in Libya’s network of detention centres, despite rising COVID-19 case numbers. As of 14 January, 107,434 cases and 1,645 deaths had been officially recorded in the country, although real figures are expected to be higher given a lack of testing. According to IOM and UNHCR, as of November 2020, at least 3,200 people were being held in 11 detention centres--although many more were likely also detained in “unofficial” facilities in western Libya.

According to newly released data, in 2020 some 11,891 persons attempting to leave the country were intercepted at sea by the EU-backed Libyan Coastguard--with the majority subsequently placed in already overcrowded detention facilities. (During the first four days of 2021, more than 160 people were returned and detained.) By comparison, 9,225 people were intercepted and returned in 2019.

Detainees in Libya are particularly vulnerable to the spread of disease, due to the fact that detention facilities are dangerously overcrowded and lack even the most basic sanitary facilities. As the Independent revealed in a September 2020 article on the Al Zintan facility, “The refugees sleep in shifts, 25 of them crushed together in a tiny room-turned-prison like knives in a cutlery drawer. There isn’t enough space for everyone to lie down at the same time. They share a single toilet, which is a putrid hole in the ground, and say they have not seen the sun in a year.”

Recognising the acute vulnerability of detainees in Libya during the pandemic, the IOM announced in October that it had provided training--including in infection control, prevention, and management--to 25 health care providers working in detention facilities in Tripoli, Zawiya, Zuwara, and Dhahir Al-Jubail.

13 January 2021

Bosnia and Herzegovina

M. MacGregor, “Refugee Camp Burns in Bosnia,” InfoMigrants, 23 December 2020,
M. MacGregor, “Refugee Camp Burns in Bosnia,” InfoMigrants, 23 December 2020,
The controversial Lipa migrant camp was destroyed by a fire in late December, leaving some 1,400 men homeless. The fire was reportedly started by residents of the camp, many of whom had already begun moving out due to the poor living conditions there. IOM’s Chief of Mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) told InfoMigrants: “Suddenly our staff noticed that a small group was setting fire to one of the tents and they repeated this action with the other tents and some of the containers were also on fire in the chaos, looting started of some of the items that were still left in the camp.” Other facilities in BiH for single males are overpopulated, including one in Sarajevo which, though it only has a capacity of 2,400, already houses approximately 3,000 people.

There are more than 3,000 refugees and migrants in the earby Bihac area who do not have access to shelter. Local authorities have reportedly refused government orders to reopen a reception centre that was shut down in October 2020. According to the IOM, people were sleeping in abandoned buildings and makeshift camps in the forest and that “IOM had … been providing assistance such as winterized jackets, sleeping bags, food packages and hygiene packages to the 1,500 migrants already sleeping outside.”

According to Al-Jazeera, on 30 December, the relocation of migrants and refugees from the Lipa camp to army barracks in Bradina was cancelled. Migrants and refugees spent around 24 hours in buses prior to being told to disembark and return to the burnt out camp. People were left stranded without access to food, water, or accommodation.

On 8 January 2021, ECRE reported that there were still around 2,500 people sleeping rough in the northwest of BiH, of which several hundreds remained in squalid conditions at the burnt down Lipa camp. According to ECRE, while “housing capacities and sufficient funding exist, political disagreement between local and national authorities perpetuate this humanitarian crisis.” Since 2018, 70,000 people have travelled through BiH, but reaching the EU remains dangerous and people often face pushbacks and violence at the Croatia border (see 2 August and 22 June Croatia updates on this platform).

Said EU foreign affairs commissioner Josep Borrell in early January: “Over the last weeks, we have witnessed a serious humanitarian crisis concerning hundreds of migrants in Bosnia and Herzegovina … largely due to the disfunctioning governance in the country” (InfoMigrants 06/01/20201).

12 January 2021


Venezuelan Nationals Carrying an Unconscious Woman as They Try to Enter Colombia, (Schneyder Mendoza, AFP,
Venezuelan Nationals Carrying an Unconscious Woman as They Try to Enter Colombia, (Schneyder Mendoza, AFP, "Alarm at Colombia Plan to Exclude Migrants from Coronavirus Vaccine," The Guardian, 22 December 2020,
Colombia is currently under a state of emergency, which has been extended until 28 February 2021. Decree 1550 implementing the state of emergency includes additional restrictions like the closure of land and river borders with Ecuador, Panama, Venezuela, Peru, and Brazil. Colombia’s immigration authority, Migración Colombia, reported in late 2020 that despite the emergency measures there has been an increase in the number of people entering Colombia from Venezuela. According to Migración Colombia’s latest published data, there are approximately 1.7 million Venezuelan citizens in the country.

In late December, President Ivan Duque announced the government’s intention not to vaccinate undocumented non-nationals--including hundreds of thousands of Venezuelan refugees--within the country’s borders. According to Duque’s comments in a local radio interview on 21 December, only Venezuelans who have dual nationality or formal migratory status will have access to the vaccine when it is eventually rolled out. Justifying this decision in terms of prioritising Colombian nationals, Duque stated, “We would have calls to stampede the border as everyone crosses asking for a vaccine.”

Duque’s announcement prompted criticism from humanitarian agencies and rights groups. In a statement condemning the government’s intended policy, Mercy Corps said, “Vaccines will only curb the pandemic if everyone can get them. Leaving Venezuelans out puts them and their Colombian neighbours at risk. Venezuelans, especially those who are undocumented, are among the most vulnerable and hardest hit by the economic effects of the pandemic. Many have lost their only source of income and been forced to live in crowded shelters or on the streets, making them even more susceptible to catching and spreading the virus. People who are most at-risk and vulnerable should be prioritized regardless of nationality or immigration status.”

In the Global Detention Project’s latest report about Colombia, published in December 2020, we detail how Colombia has become an important transit point for migrants and asylum seekers from across the Americas as well as from other parts of the world. For the past several years, it has also been a key destination for Venezuelans fleeing the turmoil in their country. During 2010-2014, a national plan was implemented to “strengthen immigration control in Colombia” and in 2013 the country opened its first temporary immigration holding facilities (“salas transitorias de migración”). During the COVID-19 pandemic, which hit Colombia severely, large numbers of Venezuelans who had lost their jobs became stranded in makeshift camps located in border zones when they sought to return home.

For more information, visit the GDP’s Colombia page at:

11 January 2021

United Kingdom

Brook House Detention Centre Seen From Outside, (BBC,
Brook House Detention Centre Seen From Outside, (BBC, "Brook House Immigration Detainees 'Held for Years'," 10 March 2017,
Following the news of a COVID outbreak in Brook House Immigration Removal Centre (see 16 December update on this platform), on 8 January the Home Office announced the centre’s temporary closure (for ten days) due to a number of positive cases amongst staff. A Home Office spokesman confirmed that several detainees had been transferred to an alternative detention centre (Colnbrook, near Heathrow airport)--a move that detainee rights groups immediately condemned. A representative for Bail for Immigration Detention said that “the decision to transfer people to Colnbrook is incredibly dangerous and places the lives of everybody held there in grave danger.”

The facility’s closure comes amidst soaring COVID-19 cases in the UK. As authorities attempt to tackle the new, more transmissible mutation of the virus, a country-wide lockdown is in effect. All persons have been ordered to stay at home and non-essential travel is banned. Despite these measures, however, the Home Office is reported to be continuing to organise deportations. On 6 January, the Independent reported that two deportation flights are due to depart this week: one to Romania on 13 January; and one to Poland on 14 January. When challenged about the safety of these flights, the Home Office said that it would “continue to progress operations with appropriate measures in place.” Lawyers, politicians, rights advocates, and activists have lambasted the decision to continue deportations amidst the new wave of infections. “The Home Office's ramping up of deportation flights during a pandemic is irresponsible & inhumane,” wrote one Labour MP on Twitter. “Rather than putting populism before public health, it should suspend these flights and urgently review its detention & deportation policies.”

06 January 2021


Rohingya Refugees Aboard Bound for Bhasan Char in December 2020, (Mohammad Ponir,
Rohingya Refugees Aboard Bound for Bhasan Char in December 2020, (Mohammad Ponir, "Bangladesh Move More Rohingyas To Remote Island Despite Rights Concerns," The Guardian, 28 December 2020,
On 5 January, journalist Shiafur Rahman reported the first death at the controversial Rohingya refugee centre on Bangladesh’s Bhasan Char island in the Indian Ocean. Rahman also reported the introduction of new restrictions of movement for those at the centre, which were supposedly introduced after an escape attempt. Refugees reportedly now require permission to go to the market on the island and there appear to be police patrols throughout the night.

In recent weeks, Bangladesh has made several large movements of Rohingya refugees to Bhasan Char despite safety and security concerns raised by international human rights monitors (see 7 December Bangladesh update on this platform). Most recently in late December, the government moved a group of 700-1,000 refugees to the island; earlier, during the first week of December, 1,642 refugees were moved to the island.

Bhasan Char, which is hours by boat from the mainland, is prone to severe flooding and cyclones. According to the Diplomat, among the facilities set up on the island to prepare it to receive refugees are 1,400 cluster houses, 120 cyclone shelters, various administrative buildings, schools, two hospitals with 20 beds each, and mosques.

Although Bangladeshi authorities are not hiding the fact that they are transferring refugees to this island, on 28 December they arrested a Rohingya man who was apprehended while photographing buses transferring refugees from Kutupalong Camp. The award-winning photojournalist Abul Kalam, 35, who was detained until 5 January, was charged with assaulting and interfering with public officials and faces three years in jail. “We call on the authorities in Cox’s Bazar to drop these absurd charges,” said a spokesman for Reporters Without Borders (RSF). “His work is of public interest for all of humankind, which needs to know about the fate of the Rohingyas, who are being mistreated again, three years after being subjected to acts of genocide by Myanmar’s military.”

According to Human Rights Watch, there is limited information about the conditions on the island in addition to “allegations that the authorities may have offered misleading information and incentives to move there.” The Bangladeshi government has denied these concerns and said that refugees are relocated voluntarily and that protective measures are being taken to safeguard refugees. The deputy government official in charge of refugees said that a 12km embankment was built to prevent any flooding and that housing had been built for 100,000 people.

The director of the Bhasan Char project told The Daily Star on 5 December 2020: “I firmly believe that when UN, UNHCR, WFP, and IOM will visit here, they will be convinced. We are waiting for them.” This statement was made three days after the UN said they were ready to proceed with the technical and protection assessments, “if permitted by the government.” The UN also said that the assessments would be the first step in determining whether they will be able to engage operationally with the Bhasan Char project and that subsequently, further work would be needed to develop plans and budgets in coordination with the Government and national and international NGO partners.

03 January 2021

United States

A Protestor Holding up a Sign During a Protest Against US and Mexican Migration Policies at the San Ysidrio Crossing Port, (AFP, Getty Images,
A Protestor Holding up a Sign During a Protest Against US and Mexican Migration Policies at the San Ysidrio Crossing Port, (AFP, Getty Images, "US Finalizes Rule Allowing Asylum Seekers to be Branded 'Danger' To National Security Amid Pandemic," Forbes, 23 December 2020,
As of mid-December 2020, more than 7,800 ICE detainees had tested positive for COVID-19 and eight deaths related to the virus recorded. According to the San Antonio Express News, in detention centres under the jurisdiction of the San Antonio field office alone, there have been more than 1,000 confirmed COVID-19 cases.

In a commentary published in December by the American Journal of Public Health, “Preventing the Spread of COVID-19 in Immigration Detention Centres Requires the Release of Detainees,” a group of public health experts in the United States argue that “safely releasing detainees from immigration detention centres into their communities is the most effective way to prevent the spread of COVID-19 in these settings. Failure to do so will result in infection and death from a novel communicable disease and deepen inequities for a population group that already experiences many structural and systemic threats to health and well-being.”

A separate report published by the advocacy group Detention Watch Network argued that counties with ICE detention centres were more likely to report COVID-19 cases earlier in the pandemic and more likely to have a serious outbreak. The group contends that the US detention system’s ineffective efforts to control the virus helped lead to an additional 245,000 cases across the United States by 1 August 2020. In one case from May 2020, officials in Pearsall said that every local case of COVID-19 could be traced back to ICE’s South Texas processing centre, operated by GEO Group, and that the company had failed to properly keep the community informed of developing cases.

Writing in a December issue of the New England Journal of Medicine, Palacios and Travassos report that infection rates within US immigration detention centres is a direct result of the nonadherence to the guidelines set by the Centre for Disease Control and Prevention as well as the failure to provide for adequate social distancing in the centres. Yet, rather than allocating vaccines to high-risk groups, federal officials from Operation Warp Speed, a public-private partnership aimed at accelerating the production and distribution of vaccines, have decided to distribute vaccines on the basis of population at the state level. The authors’ review of state plans found that only one state - Louisiana - includes immigration detention centres in its vaccination priority plan and that “at least 14 states lack plans to prioritise any incarcerated populations for SARS-CoV-2 immunisation.”

On 23 December 2020, Forbes reported that the Trump administration finalised a regulation allowing the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) to block asylum requests on the basis that asylum seekers could constitute a “danger to the security of the United States” if they have passed through a country affected by COVID-19. The regulation, advanced by DHS and the Department of Justice in July 2020, precludes granting asylum to asylum seekers based on “emergency public health concerns generated by a communicable disease.” Forbes reported that the rule gives DHS the ability to exercise “prosecutorial discretion” in cases where asylum seekers are subject to withholding of removal measures, which is aimed at preventing the deportation of vulnerable people to a country where their freedom or their life may be at risk. The rule will enter into force two days after President-elect Joe Biden’s inauguration on 20 January 2021. Health experts have condemned the measure as “xenophobia masquerading as a public health measure” and said that it would “undermine public health and further endanger people seeking protection.”

Another hidden impact of the U.S. immigration detention policies during the pandemic has been on source countries. As previously reported on this platform (see 20 April Guatemala update; 22 April United States update; and 19 June United States update on this platform), the continuation of deportation flights from the United States during the pandemic has helped spread the virus in countries of origin, particularly across Central America.

21 December 2020


A Health Official Spraying a Shop Front in Toamasina in June 2020, (Rijasolo, AFP,
A Health Official Spraying a Shop Front in Toamasina in June 2020, (Rijasolo, AFP, "Madagascar Experiments with ‘Miracle Cure’ as Virus Overwhelms Hospitals," The Telegraph, 30 June 2020,
After its confirmation of the first cases of COVID-19, in March 2020, the government cancelled all international flights and announced a lockdown in the capital, starting on 22 March. Authorities gradually relaxed these measures, allowing schools and stores to reopen and reducing curfews. This was followed by a surge in new COVID-19 cases across the country; authorities subsequently announced a new lockdown in July, including the closure of schools and universities and cancellation of all non-essential travel. As of mid-December 2020, Madagascar had recorded nearly 17,600 COVID-19 cases and 259 deaths.

In April, President Andry Rajoelina launched “Covid-Organics,” a tea based on the plant Artemisia annua containing antimalarial properties. According to the Telegraph, after only having conducted two weeks of trials, the president began promoting it to the Malagasy public.

According to the Malagasy Ministry of Foreign Affairs, some 2,400 nationals were stranded abroad in March 2020 as a consequence of the closure of national borders. On 12 November, the IOM reported that after being stranded for some nine months, 75 Malagasy women returned to the country from Saudi Arabia via a flight chartered by the IOM. In June, IOM supported the return of 177 Malagasy nationals from Kuwait and 54 Malagasy nationals from Lebanon in October.

The GDP has been unable to establish the extent to which detention facilities are used in Madagascar as part of immigration enforcement procedure or to obtain details on COVID-19 related measures taken to safeguard people in immigration custody. However, the use of detention in migration procedures has previously been reported. In its concluding observations in 2018, the Committee on Migrant Workers stated that it was concerned about: “(a) Detention for breach of migration legislation, without recourse to a supporting explanation appropriate to the individual case and based on necessity; (b) The lack of information on alternatives to the detention of migrant workers, including those in an irregular situation, especially for unaccompanied children and families with children; (c) The lack of information and the conditions and maximum period of administrative detention of migrants awaiting expulsion.” The Committee recommended that Madagascar: (a) Ensure that the detention of migrants is an exceptional measure of last resort applied for the shortest possible time … (b) Adopt alternatives to administrative detention for migrant workers and members of their families … (c) Ensure that, in exceptional cases where detention cannot be avoided, migrant workers and members of their families are placed in special facilities, that they are held separately from ordinary prisoners and that conditions of detention comply with the United Nations Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners.”

As regards the country’s prison system, on 27 June 2020, the president granted official pardons to all male prisoners over the age of 60, all female prisoners over the age of 55, and prisoners that have already served more than 10 years, including those sentenced to life in prison. In addition, all detainees whose prison sentence is less than three months and all minors having served half of their sentence were also released. In consequence, hundreds of prisoners were released on the same day. However, the measure only concerns sentenced prisoners (representing about 50% of the carceral population) and excludes any prisoners sentenced for corruption, money laundering, embezzlement, murder, damage to natural resources, and repeat offenders.

17 December 2020


Migrant Camp in the Orenburg Region in Russia, (Current Time,
Migrant Camp in the Orenburg Region in Russia, (Current Time, "448 More Kyrgyz Citizens Return Home from Orenburg Region," Kloop, 22 May 2020,
Kyrgyzstan considers labour migration to be “part of the national development strategy” with remittances accounting for a substantial part of the country’s economy. Large numbers of Kyrgyz nationals work in countries across Asia and Europe, including in particular Russia (which recorded 959,000 border crossings by Kyrgyz nationals in 2019), Kazakhstan, and Turkey. In 2019, 29.2 percent of the country’s gross domestic product (GDP) was made up of remittances, which places Kyrgyzstan amongst the top five countries with respect to remittances as a share of GDP.

The COVID-19 pandemic, however, has underscored the economic vulnerability of countries that rely on remittances. As previously reported on this platform (see 19 November Uzbekistan update), labour migrants in Russia were almost twice as likely to lose jobs than Russian nationals. According to the Kyrgyz Embassy in Russia, more than half of all Kyrgyz migrants in the country lost their jobs during the pandemic--a fact that has led to a significant drop in remittances and growing concerns for the Kyrgyz economy.

During the early months of the pandemic, when borders temporarily closed and flights were suspended, many Kygyz migrant workers who sought to return home due to job losses found themselves stranded in Russia. When rumours circulated that the border would open in Orenburg Oblast to enable transit through Kazakhstan, an estimated 600 Kyrgyz migrants arrived in the area, where they were forced to wait for several weeks in overcrowded tent camps until buses arrived. By 22 May, those stranded in the area had been returned to Kyrgyzstan--although upon arrival, many were placed in a newly erected quarantine facility in the Semetey Observation facility (formerly the U.S. Ganci Airbase) in Chui Oblast. On 18 May, a group of detained returnees protested their confinement in the facility--and rumours that they would continue to undergo quarantine restrictions while those testing positive for COVID-19 were being released. According to media reports, several returnees attacked doctors and attempted to overturn an ambulance. Following the riot, most of the returnees were permitted to leave and to complete their quarantine period at home.

By 24 August, some 35,469 Kyrgyz migrants had been returned from Russia via charter flights and bus transfers. Nevertheless, the Kyrgyz government faced criticism for its delays in returning nationals stranded in Russia. Kyrgyz authorities argued that employment opportunities remained more favourable in Russia. The Kyrgyz Ambassador to Russia said, “The Russian economy is stronger and more stable than ours. After quarantine, the economic crisis will continue around the world. I advised our countrymen to wait here and not to go anywhere.”

There have been sporadic reports about the use of immigration detention in Kyrgyzstan. In mid-2020, Human Rights Watch raised concerns regarding the detention of an Uzbek asylum seeker (journalist Bobomurod Abdullaev) in the Kyrgyz State Committee for National Security (GKNB) detention facility. Previously, in 2006, UNHCR raised concerns regarding the detention of four Uzbek refugees (fleeing from the unrest and security crackdown in Uzbekistan’s Andijan region) in Osh Pre-Trial Detention Centre. In 2020, this facility was subject to complaints, including accusations of ill-treatment by detainees. The GDP has been unable to confirm whether the centre continues to confine non-nationals for immigration-related reasons, or what steps--if any--authorities have taken to protect detainees during the pandemic.

16 December 2020

United Kingdom

Napier Barracks in Folkestone Kent (Dan Kitwood, Getty Images,
Napier Barracks in Folkestone Kent (Dan Kitwood, Getty Images, "Lawyers Denied Access to Asylum Seekers in Kent Barracks," The Guardian, 7 December 2020,
A coronavirus outbreak was confirmed at the UK’s Brook House Immigration Removal Centre (close to Gatwick Airport) in early December. While the Home Office declined to clarify how many positive cases had been recorded or how many people were in isolation at that time, the Guardian reported that at least 17 detainees had tested positive and that three wings of the centre had been locked down as of 10 December. According to the newspaper, Serco--the private security company that took over from G4S in early 2020 in managing the facility--pushed a notice under detainees’ doors on 10 December, confirming the outbreak. Due to the lockdown, the deportation of several asylum seekers who recently arrived in the UK via small boats and who are confined in the facility was postponed.

The outbreak has led to renewed calls for all detainees to be immediately released. “The outbreak of COVID-19 at #BrookHouse detention centre was completely predictable - and utterly preventable. Nobody should be detained for immigration purposes during a global pandemic,” tweeted Freedom From Torture. Celia Clark, the director of Bail for Immigration Detainees (BID), similarly argued: “The government should now recognise that the use of detention and deportation in the current climate helps to spread coronavirus and puts lives at risk.”

Since September, the Home Office has been using two former military barracks (Napier Barracks in Kent, and Penally Barracks in Pembrokeshire) to detain newly arrived asylum seekers. Although it has reported that these facilities are intended for temporary accommodation only--with asylum seekers due to be moved into housing while their applications are assessed--the Guardian reports that many people are instead being transferred directly from these facilities into immigration removal centres, from where they will be deported. Lawyers seeking to assist asylum seekers in the Kent barracks have been denied access. “It’s unusual because even in a detention centre they arrange legal advice, and this is not meant to be a detention centre,” said one solicitor. Some volunteers who have managed to enter the site have accused the Home Office of attempting to cover-up what they call “disturbing” conditions for their entry, including requiring them to sign confidentiality agreements. According to lawyers, up to 15 asylum seekers are forced to share rooms, with sheets hanging between them to create a sense of separation.

The government appears to have stepped up efforts to deport non-nationals--although several successful legal appeals have ensured that some deportation orders were postponed. Particularly controversial was a 2 December deportation flight to Jamaica, which rights advocates claim had close Windrush undertones. In a letter signed by several NGOs, as well as solicitors and barristers (including 11 QCs), the flight was branded as racist, unjust, and unlawful. Nevertheless, the flight went ahead with 13 of the 50 original intended deportees.

On 1 December, changes to the country’s immigration rules came into effect. These include a controversial amendment that allows authorities to deport non-nationals if they are found to be rough-sleeping--even if they have permission to stay, or have lodged an application to stay. (“9.21.1. Permission to stay may be refused where the decision maker is satisfied that a person has been rough sleeping in the UK.”) As migrant rights groups point out, the number of homeless persons has significantly increased during the pandemic, particularly amongst those with NRPF status (No Recourse to Public Funds, a condition that is frequently applied to persons with limited leave to enter or remain and which leaves them unable to obtain various forms of assistance, such as housing support). “It is shockingly cruel and inhumane to threaten someone with deportation simply because they have been driven into rough sleeping,” said Kate Allen, the Director of Amnesty UK. “It is especially appalling that this heartless policy is being introduced during a pandemic when life for those without a proper place to live is already incredibly difficult.”

15 December 2020

Central African Republic

A Red Cross Volunteer in Bégoua Teaching a Child How To Properly Wash His Hands, (ICRC,
A Red Cross Volunteer in Bégoua Teaching a Child How To Properly Wash His Hands, (ICRC, "République Centrafricaine: Faire Face à la Covid-19 Dans l'Une des Plus Graves Crises Humanitaires du Monde," 27 July 2020,
On 27 March, roughly a week after the first COVID-19 case was confirmed in the Central African Republic (CAR), authorities temporarily restricted entry for non-nationals and grounded all flights. President Faustin Archange Touadéra announced additional measures, including the closure of schools, bars, and an obligation to inform health authorities of any suspected coronavirus cases. The Bangui airport reopened in July with new security measures, including health check and self-isolation protocols. As of 14 December, CAR had recorded 4,936 COVID-19 cases and 63 deaths.

In May, the UN allocated $12 million USD from its humanitarian fund to support a multisectoral emergency response in the Central African Republic (CAR). The funds are intended to be used to reduce the spread of COVID-19, including enabling partner organisations to implement priority projects in the health and water-hygiene sanitation sectors, manage internally displaced persons camps, as well as provide shelter, food, and essential household items.

The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs reported in May that humanitarian aid had been provided to 294,000 people in April to assist access to health, water, and hygienic materials. According to the UN, more than 2.6 million people in the country, approximately half the population, are in need of humanitarian assistance and protection. According to UNHCR, there were 641,292 internally displaced persons as of 31 October 2020. Of these, the UN estimates that more than 467,000 live with host families while the rest live in overcrowded and unsanitary sites.

UNHCR also estimates that as of mid-2020, there were 296,190 refugees from CAR in Cameroon. According to the refugee agency, a voluntary repatriation operation that started in November 2019 was suspended in March 2020 as both countries closed their borders to prevent the spread of the virus. Now that the border closure has been lifted, UNHCR is attempting to facilitate voluntary returns. Improvements of the security situation in Bangui and other regions in CAR have enabled some 15,000 refugees in the North and South Ubangi Provinces to apply for voluntary repatriation. To prevent the spread of COVID-19, health and sanitary measures have been boosted, including the provision of masks, temperature screening, and the installation of hand-washing stations. Also, in order to ensure social distancing, the number of refugees per convoy was reduced to 65 people.

14 December 2020


People Waiting for a Drinkable Water Delivery in Libreville, Gabon, (France 24, A. Saint-Léger & C. Caracena,
People Waiting for a Drinkable Water Delivery in Libreville, Gabon, (France 24, A. Saint-Léger & C. Caracena, "Covid-19: Au Gabon, Le Casse-Tête de l'Accès à l'Eau à Libreville," 30 April 2020,
Gabon registered its first COVID-19 cases in March and Parliament declared a state of emergency in early April. On 10 April, the government announced that the capital, Libreville, as well as neighbouring municipalities, would impose lockdown measures. On 3 May, UNICEF reported while Libreville remained the main hotspot. As of 14 December, Gabon had recorded 9,330 COVID-19 cases and 63 deaths.

According to UNHCR, as of 30 November 2020, there were 479 refugees and 84 asylum seekers in the country. In addition, UNHCR stated that only three countries in West and Central Africa (Gabon, Nigeria and Niger) suspended access to asylum registration and most states in the region also closed their borders.

During Gabon’s review at the 2017 UN Universal Periodic Review, Congo, Egypt, and Sierra Leone recommended that Gabon “ratify the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families.” Burundi recommended that Gabon “make efforts to accelerate the process of ratification of the Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights.”

As regards the country’s prisons, on 10 April, the president granted official pardons to 680 prisoners in order to alleviate overcrowding and reduce the risk of COVID-19 transmission. The GDP has been unable to establish the extent to which detention facilities are used in Gabon as part of immigration enforcement procedure or to obtain details on COVID-19 related measures taken to safeguard people in immigration custody.

13 December 2020


Rotterdam Detention Centre Seen From Outside, (Ziarah Utara,
Rotterdam Detention Centre Seen From Outside, (Ziarah Utara, "Detention Centres in The Netherlands," 6 November 2014,
In early December the Court of the Hague annulled the State Secretary for Justice and Security’s April 2020 decision to deport an Iranian national with severe heart problems, on the grounds that the State Secretary had failed to take into account Iran’s COVID-19 situation. In the court’s opinion, the plaintiff could have lacked access to necessary healthcare services in Iran given the pressure that the pandemic has placed on the country’s healthcare infrastructure. The court requested the State Secretary to conduct further research into the individual’s access to necessary medical treatment in Iran, and to make a new decision within ten weeks.

As previously reported on this platform (see 8 October Netherlands update), the Netherlands did not fully suspend deportations and removals during the pandemic. On 30 November, for example, the country deported a Nigerien national using a private chartered aircraft to transfer the individual to Paris, from where he was flown to Niger. According to the Dutch NGO Meldpunt Vreemdelingendetentie, after landing in Niger the individual heard that a Dutch judge had ordered his release from detention: “If he had not been deported, then he would have been free again, in the Netherlands.”

Detention centres in the Netherlands, meanwhile, have again been scrutinised for their use of isolation--both via the use of isolation cells, and collective isolation in ordinary cells. Despite acknowledging the harmful effects of isolation, and pledging to reduce its use in both 2015 and 2019, the rate of isolation has instead increased. According to Amnesty International, a foreign national was placed in isolation 384 times in 2017, compared to 624 times during the first eleven months of 2019. Amnesty pointed, also, to the repeated lock-downs of Rotterdam Detention Centre during the pandemic, which left detainees locked up in their own cells for 23 hours a day, for up to four weeks. Under a proposed new bill--’Amendments to the Return and Immigration Detention Act’--lockdown could become a regular feature in the country’s detention centres.

Non-nationals in the Netherlands, like many other countries, appear to face higher chances of contracting COVID-19 than nationals, as well as higher mortality rates. According to an October OECD report, death statistics in the Netherlands in March and April 2020 reveal that deaths were 47 percent higher than usual for immigrants from lower-income countries and their children, compared to 38 percent higher for those who are native born with Dutch parents. According to the OECD, this discrepancy may be due in part to poverty, poorer quality housing, and an inability to understand national information campaigns. To help address this, volunteer translators in the Netherlands have started providing translations of newscasts from the country’s public broadcaster. One organisation--Pharos, which works to address health inequalities--has started translating government guidelines but using simpler vocabulary accompanied by images. As of today, information is available in Dutch, Arabic, Traditional Chinese, Simplified Chinese, English, Farsi, French, Papiamento, Polish, Somali, Spanish, Tigrinya and Turkish.

11 December 2020


Migrants Waiting Near  Buffer Zone at the Turkey-Greece Border in the Edirne District in February 2020, (AFP,
Migrants Waiting Near Buffer Zone at the Turkey-Greece Border in the Edirne District in February 2020, (AFP, "UN: 13,000 Migrants Gathered Along Turkish-Greek Border," 29 February 2020,
Responding to the Global Detention Project’s COVID-19 survey, a non-governmental actor in Turkey reported that the country has not delayed or stopped issuing administrative detention orders as a consequence of the global pandemic. The source, who asked to remain anonymous but whose identity was verified by the GDP, said that they had observed detainees confined in overcrowded centres, including the ones in Istanbul, being transferred to other detention centres to improve social distancing.

The source also reported that they were unaware of any immigration detainees being released for COVID-related reasons. They had applied to the court for all their clients in administrative detention to be released on the basis of COVID-19 infection risks. However, not a single person has yet been released for this reason. Moreover, the source stated that apart from the authorities’ attempt to reduce overcrowding by transferring detainees to other detention centres, they had not observed any other measures taken to prevent the spread of COVID-19 or to ensure appropriate care of migrants or asylum seekers. People requiring treatment at hospitals were sent back to detention after they recovered. People released from administrative detention for reasons not related to the pandemic were able to immediately return to their own accommodation. There is no obligatory quarantine period upon release, and migrants and asylum seekers are not tested for the virus. Also, the source reported that they had not seen authorities test detainees except those who are evidently ill.

Regarding alternatives to detention, the source said that the most common implementation is to oblige the person to regularly report to the Provincial Directorate of Migration Management or to the satellite cities by providing a signature. The frequency of the reporting duties will vary depending on the case. However, during the COVID-19 pandemic, these reporting duties were suspended or postponed so ATDs have not factored into any COVID response.

According to the source, removals were halted between 18 March and 15 June 2020. However, removal decisions continued to be issued during this time. In consequence, if a removal decision was made against a migrant, the migrant in question would either be taken to administrative detention or released after the order was issued. The source stated that they did not have any clients who were removed from the country, but that some returned voluntarily after deportation decisions were made against them.

Turkey did not announce any new immigration or asylum policies in response to the COVID-19 crisis. The source told the GDP that they had been informed that migrants waiting at the Edirne-Greece border, were taken into quarantine as a result of the statement made by president Erdogan at the end of February announcing that Turkey would no longer stop migrants and refugees from reaching Europe (see 6 April Turkey update on this platform).

Following adoption of legislation in April (see 14 April Turkey update on this platform), enabling the release of thousands of prisoners to prevent the spread of the virus in overcrowded prisons, the prison administration reported on 18 June that they had temporarily released 64,661 prisoners from its facilities.

10 December 2020


Newly Arrived Refugees from Côte d'Ivoire Await Registration in Behwalay Village in Liberia, (UNHCR, Roland Tuley,
Newly Arrived Refugees from Côte d'Ivoire Await Registration in Behwalay Village in Liberia, (UNHCR, Roland Tuley, "UNCHR Airlifts Emergency Aid for Ivorian Refugees in Liberia," 23 November 2020,
After declaring a national emergency in late March 2020, the Liberian government used emergency powers that enable it to require the registration of residents in infected areas, restrict movement within infected areas, and quarantine infected people. The government designated two of the 15 counties in the country as infected and imposed a 21-day lockdown along with the closure of schools, suspension of flights, and limitations to public transport. As of 11 December, Liberia had recorded 1,676 cases of COVID-19 and 83 deaths.

At UNHCR’s Executive Committee held in Geneva in October, Liberia reported that it was hosting 8,235 refugees, the vast majority from Côte d’Ivoire. The government reported collaboration with UNHCR in a Joint Taskforce aimed at raising awareness of COVID-19, distributing preventive materials, and providing food items in the refugee concentrated counties of Montserrado, Nimba, Grand Gadeh and River Gee, and Maryland.

Political tensions in neighbouring Côte d’Ivoire have forced thousands of Ivorian nationals to flee into neighbouring countries (see 4 December Côte d’Ivoire update on this platform), including Liberia. According to UNHCR, by 9 November, more than 7,500 Ivorian nationals had fled to Liberia. More than 60 percent of arrivals are children, some of whom are unaccompanied or have been separated from their parents. UNHCR stated that they were planning to send essential relief items for refugees in Liberia from their stockpiles in Dubai.

On 23 November, UNHCR airlifted 95 tonnes of emergency supplies as nearly 15,000 Ivorians are now in Liberia. A UNHCR-chartered flight landed in Monrovia with blankets, jerry cans, kitchen sets, plastic sheets, and solar lamps for refugees. The UNHCR representative in Liberia said: “Every day this past week, hundreds of Ivorian refugees have continued to cross the border. … Most are children, arriving exhausted and malnourished. The needs are mounting, and we are stepping up to meet them.”

As regards the country’s prisons, since the start of the pandemic, Prison Fellowship Liberia, an organisation that seeks to provide help and support to prisoners in Liberia, has obtained the provisional release of 300 detainees. The prison administration found on 10 June 2020 that there were 2,300 prisoners compared with 2,700 in December 2019.

The GDP has been unable to establish the extent to which detention facilities are used in Liberia as part of immigration enforcement procedures or obtain details on COVID-19 related measures taken to safeguard people in immigration custody.

08 December 2020

Dominican Republic

IOM, “IOM Aids COVID-Impacted Communities on Haiti-Dominican Border and Worldwide,” 10 November 2020,
IOM, “IOM Aids COVID-Impacted Communities on Haiti-Dominican Border and Worldwide,” 10 November 2020,
On 1 March 2020, the first COVID-19 case was confirmed in the Dominican Republic. Between 15 and 19 March, the government adopted a series of emergency measures, including halting flights from Europe, China, South Korea, and Iran; suspending ferry arrivals; and closing border crossings with Haiti. As of December 2020, the country had registered 149,138 COVID-19 cases and 2,346 deaths.

On 10 November, the IOM reported that it was distributing more than 12,000 food kits to migrant and Dominican families affected by the economic consequences of closing the border with Haiti. The closure of four border crossings in particular have had major impacts on local communities and the country as a whole. The Ministry of Economy, Planning, and Development reports that some 90 percent of trade with Haiti flows through those posts, which account for nearly 230,000 entries per year.

The IOM reports that it is working with several civil society organisations in the country to distribute food in border provinces. According to the Casa de Luz Foundation, “people do not have access to food in sufficient quantities, and thanks to the aid that IOM has been providing these days, many people have received food at home. … Many of these families depended on the informal market trade. Now the market activities are almost nil, so many have had to migrate to work for private households in Santo Domingo.”

According to UNHCR, there are 30,333 Venezuelans displaced abroad in the Dominican Republic along with 603 asylum seekers and 162 refugees. According to Response for Venezuelans, its partners assisted 37 Venezuelans with COVID-19, accompanying them to hospitals and purchasing their medicines. Response for Venezuelans also reported that 33 cases of legal assistance for persons who were evicted and lost their jobs without justification were managed remotely by the organisation.

In its concluding observations in 2017, the UN Human Rights Committee expressed concern regarding reports of arbitrary and indefinite detention of asylum seekers and refugees as well as at the lack of procedural safeguards in the country. In addition, the committee observed that a high number of Haitian nationals are deported and that pushbacks at the border are carried out in the absence of procedural safeguards and by inadequately trained immigration and border personnel. The committee recommended that the country take steps to “avoid the arbitrary and indefinite detention of migrants, asylum seekers and refugee claimants, ensure that they have access to a lawyer and information on their rights, including at the border, and provide for alternatives to detention for asylum seekers and refugee claimants, ensuring that detention is used only a last resort.”

The country’s prisons have seen large outbreaks of COVID-19 since April; as of 1 July 2020, there were 917 cases in the country’s prisons, of which 346 were active at that time. During the pandemic, two riots took place, one in April at the Victoria prison in Santo Domingo and another in May at the Romana prison, leaving five prisoners and a police officer injured. Prisoners were requesting COVID-19 testing after other prisoners tested positive at the facilities and after four prisoners died at the Victoria prison. The Victoria prison has 9,000 prisoners for 1,500 places.

The GDP has been unable to obtain details on COVID-19 related measures taken to safeguard people in immigration custody.

07 December 2020


K. Ahmed & R. Ahmed, “Bangladesh Begins Moving Rohingya Families to Remote Island,” The Guardian, 4 December 2020,
K. Ahmed & R. Ahmed, “Bangladesh Begins Moving Rohingya Families to Remote Island,” The Guardian, 4 December 2020,
Despite repeated calls from human rights groups for Bangladeshi authorities to remove more than 300 refugees from the island of Bhasan Char (see 10 July Bangladesh update on this platform), The Guardian reports that in early December the country began moving even more Rohingya families from camps near the Myanmar border to the controversial refugee site it constructed on the island. More than 1,600 Rohingya refugees departed the port of Chittagong on Friday 4 December en route to the island, which is located in the Bay of Bengal--joining the 300 Rohingya refugees who have been there since April (see 24 September Bangladesh update on this platform). According to The Guardian, there have been allegations of sexual assaults made against guards and videos have emerged of women screaming to be allowed to return to the mainland.

While refugees are being told that NGOs operating in the mainland camps would also help on Bhasan Char, the UN has not yet agreed to work on the island and on 2 December, UNHCR stated that it had not been involved in the relocations and requested that the Bangladeshi authorities allow an urgent assessment of the island. A refugee camp leader staying in Kutupalong camp said: “We went to the island and I am pretty satisfied with the arrangements there. They have better housing, mosques and madrasas, markets. And the government promised there’ll be no lack of aid and support from the UN and other agencies.” According to Human Rights Watch and Fortify Rights, some refugees have gone into hiding when they discovered that their names were on the lists for relocation.

On 31 July, WHO reported over 3,361 COVID-19 cases in Cox’s Bazar. UNHCR is providing support and distributing sanitary products in camps it manages. The refugee agency reports that it has installed 65,400 hand washing taps, distributed soap to over 80,0000 households, and made over 1.4 million announcements by megaphone, audio/USB sticks, and via mosques. In addition, some 14,250 elderly care kits have been distributed throughout UNHCR managed camps in Bangladesh and refugee community outreach volunteers have conducted 2,805 training sessions for a total of 6,585 refugees.

04 December 2020

Cote d'Ivoire

Asylum Seekers Fleeing Electoral Tensions in Côte d'Ivoire Wait at the Buuto Border Post in Liberia, (UNHCR,
Asylum Seekers Fleeing Electoral Tensions in Côte d'Ivoire Wait at the Buuto Border Post in Liberia, (UNHCR, "Le HCR Intensifie l'Aide Humanitaire; Le Nombre des Réfugiés Ivoiriens Dépasse les 8000," 10 November 2020,
The first case of COVID-19 in Côte d’Ivoire was confirmed on 11 March after an Ivorian national returned from Italy. On 23 March 2020, the Government declared a state of emergency via Decree n°2020-351, put in place a curfew from 9PM to 5AM, and closed all restaurants, bars, and nightclubs and imposed further restrictive measures. These measures were progressively relaxed from May onwards, with the possibility of re-establishing them in areas where positive COVID-19 cases are identified.

UNHCR reported that more than 8,000 Ivorian nationals have fled to neighbouring countries amid political tensions in the country. More than 60 percent of arrivals are children, some of whom are unaccompanied or have been separated from their parents. Most of those that have fled have told UNHCR that they hope to stay close to the border in order to be able to return once the situation is stabilised. UNHCR stated they are planning to send essential relief items for up to 10,000 refugees in Liberia from their stockpiles in Dubai. At the same time, more than 500 Ivorians also arrived in Ghana, Guinea, and Togo where they are receiving assistance. By 23 November 2020, a total of 16,266 Ivorians had fled Côte d’Ivoire. According to UNHCR, fear of violence is the main driver of displacement, “and many arrivals are reporting being afraid of an imminent outbreak of violence due to the ongoing political tensions and the trauma of the 2011 post electoral conflict.”

In its submission to the 3rd cycle of the Universal Periodic Review in 2018, UNHCR stated that although Côte d’Ivoire is a signatory to the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, the country’s asylum system only provides minimum standards for the treatment of asylum seekers. It recommended adopting “an asylum law that establishes concrete admissibility criteria for asylum applications, ensures rapid and impartial consideration of asylum claims, and provides effective procedural safeguards for asylum applicants in compliance with the provisions of the 1951 Convention.” In addition, while Côte d’Ivoire had recently acceded to the Statelessness Conventions, UNHCR recommended that the Government consider ratifying key human rights treaties, including the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of their Families.

To date, the GDP has been unable to establish the extent to which detention facilities are used in Côte d’Ivoire as part of immigration enforcement procedures or obtain details on COVID-19 related measures taken to safeguard people in immigration custody.

03 December 2020


M. Agius, “Court Condemns Arbitrary Detention of Asylum Seekers as ‘Abusive and Farcical,’” Newsbook, 28 November 2020,
M. Agius, “Court Condemns Arbitrary Detention of Asylum Seekers as ‘Abusive and Farcical,’” Newsbook, 28 November 2020,
In a habeas corpus case, a Maltese court ordered the release of detained asylum seekers, describing their treatment as “abusive and farcical.” The four men, who arrived in Malta on 7 June 2020, had been detained in Safi Barracks and Lyster Barracks for 166 days and alleged that they had not been informed of any reasons or legal justification for their continued detention. Following their release, the asylum seekers were offered temporary accommodation by Maltese NGO, the Aditus Foundation. This decision came just one month after a similar case concerning the arbitrary detention of an asylum seeker for 144 days.

Until 2015, Malta automatically detained all individuals who entered the country irregularly. Despite amending its legal and policy framework--adopting its “Strategy for the Reception of Asylum Seekers and Irregular Migrants,” which provides that arrivals are to be placed in an “initial reception centre”--NGOs including Jesuit Refugee Services (JRS) and Aditus have argued that in practice, those arriving irregularly are often placed directly into detention. Since 2018, authorities are reported to have repeatedly detained asylum seekers on public health grounds, citing suspicions that irregular arrivals will spread contagious diseases, despite all asylum applicants undergoing medical screening upon arrival. Others have been detained due to a lack of space in open facilities. In an op-ed for ECRE, the Director of the Maltese NGO Aditus Foundation noted that “hundreds of asylum-seekers are currently illegally detained in Malta’s squalid detention centres.”

Frontline EU countries like Malta--including Italy, Greece, and Spain--often bear a disproportionate burden in terms of registration and reception of asylum seekers. In a draft resolution adopted on 1 December with 45 votes to ten (and 13 abstentions) the European Parliament’s Civil Liberties Committee noted that the Dublin III Regulation imposes this disproportionate burden, and called for the establishment of a solidarity-based mechanism “to ensure the fundamental right of asylum in the EU and responsibility sharing among member states.” In the absence of reform, the committee argued that more resources should be sent to front-line countries.

Several groups of migrants and asylum seekers have been relocated from the country in recent months, amidst Malta’s calls for greater responsibility sharing across the EU. On 25 November, a group was transferred to Germany--reportedly the fifth relocation since September. In September, reports also emerged detailing government plans to charter a ferry to detain non-nationals offshore. Observers accused officials of devising the plan in an attempt to placate growing public frustration regarding the government’s handling of the COVID-19 crisis.

03 December 2020


A Kit Used to Check for Antibodies in People with COVID-19, in Uruguay, 50,000 kits Were Developed, (Imago Images, Agencia EFE,
A Kit Used to Check for Antibodies in People with COVID-19, in Uruguay, 50,000 kits Were Developed, (Imago Images, Agencia EFE, "Uruguay Wages Successful Fight Against COVID-19," DW, 22 August 2020,
In March, Uruguay President Luis Lacalle Pou moved to impose a series of COVID-related restrictions, including closing non-essential shops and closing its border with Brazil. The moves--which notably did not include lock-down--came after the first COVID-19 case was confirmed in Montevideo on 13 March 2020. As of 30 November 2020, Uruguay had reported less than 6,000 COVID cases and 76 deaths related to the disease. Neighbouring Argentina also reacted swiftly but with stricter compulsory lockdown measures (see 3 April Argentina update on this platform); nevertheless, it has experienced dramatically more cases (approximately 1.4 million as of this writing).

In June, Uruguayan authorities expressed concern over the arrival of a large number of Cubans, some of whom sought to enter the country as refugees. According to Diario de Cuba, the Cuban nationals arrived in Uruguay through the Rivera department on the border with Brazil, where they expressed their intention to apply for asylum.

As of June 2020, Uruguay hosted 13,742 asylum seekers and 498 refugees under UNHCR’s mandate as well as 14,236 Venezuelans “displaced abroad.” According to the UNHCR, it employs the phrase Venezuelans “displaced abroad” to refer to people of Venezuelan origin who are likely to be in need of international protection under the criteria contained in the Cartagena Declaration, but who have not applied for asylum in the country in which they are present. As part of its COVID-19 response, UNHCR reports that it has provided humanitarian assistance to refugees and migrants suffering from the socioeconomic effects of the pandemic. UNHCR has provided accommodation, food, clothing, and cash assistance in major urban centres and border areas.

Uruguayan legislation does not provide for the detention of people in an irregular migratory situation. Like Argentina’s immigration legislation, Article 1 of Uruguay’s Migration Act, No. 18250 (Ley de Migraciones, N°18250), along with its Regulatory Decree n°394/009 of 2009, recognise the inalienable right of migrants and their relatives to migrate irrespective of their migration status. Furthermore, Article 9 provides that an irregular immigration status does not preclude a person from having access to justice and health care and that authorities must provide information on regularisation avenues. The legislation (Article 51) also provides for expulsion proceedings in certain situations. As per Article 52, where a person has entered irregularly or stayed in the country following the expiration of their permit, the Uruguayan immigration authority (Dirección Nacional de Migración), taking into account the specific circumstances of the case, is to advise the person that they must regularise their immigration status within a certain period of time in order to avoid expulsion. In its concluding observations in 2014, the Committee on Migrant Workers noted “with particular interest that the Act recognises: … (c) That no case involving a migrant in an irregular situation for administrative reasons warrants detention.”

In the country’s prisons, a sanitary protocol was put in place on 16 March whereby detainees presenting any symptoms are placed in quarantine. Hygienic products and sodium hypochlorite were distributed to the prisoners and the protocol envisages the fumigation of communal spaces and vehicles used for the transfer of detainees. On 13 April, 13 prisoners suffering from COVID-19 symptoms were tested. 8 tested negative and the rest were placed in isolation awaiting results.

02 December 2020


24 Heures, “Asile: Pas de Détention si le Renvoi est Empêché par le Coronavirus,” 8 October 2020,
24 Heures, “Asile: Pas de Détention si le Renvoi est Empêché par le Coronavirus,” 8 October 2020,
In a recent finding, the Committee on the Rights of the Child (CRC) concluded that Switzerland violated provisions in the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child when it failed to show due diligence in assessing a child’s best interests and did not take the child’s views into account in a case involving a removal procedure for a family from Azerbaijan. The ruling comes as Swiss authorities are facing increasing legal challenges regarding its detention decisions stemming from the COVID-19 pandemic. It also comes just a year and a half after Switzerland introduced a controversial new asylum system enabling the country to rapidly process applications.

The CRC case concerned a family of four that had made its way to Switzerland after fleeing their home in Azerbaijan. After a seven-month wait for an asylum hearing in Switzerland, the family reluctantly agreed to withdraw its asylum claim and be voluntarily repatriated. The complainant’s husband was told by his father that it was safe for him to return to Azerbaijan and that he no longer risked incarceration. Upon their return to Azerbaijan, the husband was arrested and the mother arranged to flee to Switzerland again. In May 2018, the mother and her two children, E.A. and U.A., arrived in Ticino and filed a new asylum application. As a result of the persecution and trauma she suffered, the mother’s mental health had worsened. In a report drafted by a psychologist from the Baobab centre, which provided support to the family, it was noted that the mother had developed symptoms of anxiety and depression, insomnia and somatic reactions and that the social network established by the mother and her children during their first stay in Ticino “allowed them to maintain a minimum level of mental and physical well-being.”

However, the asylum request was unsuccessful and Swiss authorities submitted a request to Italy to take charge of the mother and her children, as they had entered the European Union through Italy on an Italian visa. Italian authorities agreed to take charge of the family and so Swiss authorities ordered the removal of the mother with her children. The mother filed an appeal against this decision in July 2018, but the Swiss Federal Administrative Court rejected her appeal. The court ruled that there were no concrete and substantiated indications that the persons concerned would be unable to travel or that the alleged health problems were so serious that the family’s transfer to Italy would be contrary to the requirements of the European Court of Human Rights.

Despite being aware that the children had contracted chickenpox and the risk of contagion had been reported by a doctor, on 12 September 2018, the police picked up the mother and her children from their hotel to carry out their removal from Zurich airport. Officers showed the children an image of forced removal (people being restrained), telling them that if their mother did not cooperate, they would remove them in the same way. The mother suffered panic and anxiety attacks during the removal, which reportedly prompted the police to leave the family at Zurich airport without any money and instruct them to make their own way back to their accommodation in Ticino. The mother thus complained that the Swiss authorities violated their obligation to respect the rights set out under Articles 3 (due diligence in assessing the children’s best interests) and 12 (right of the child to be heard in any judicial or administrative proceedings affecting the child) CRC.

The CRC pointed out that Article 12 does not impose an age limit on the right of the child to express his/her views. In absence of a direct hearing for the children, the situation amounted to a violation of Article 12. Also, the committee credited the argument that Swiss authorities did not take into account the trauma experienced by the children and in consequence, it considered that the national authorities failed to hear E.A. and U.A. and did not show due diligence in assessing the children’s best interests, constituting a violation of Article 3.

The CRC finding is the latest in a string of recent legal challenges involving detention and removal proceedings that have confronted Swiss authorities, mainly stemming from the impact of COVID-19. The group Asylex, which campaigns for the rights of people in administrative detention in Switzerland, has helped spearhead these challenges. As previously reported (see 27 June Switzerland update on this platform), on 9 June, the Swiss Supreme Court handed down a judgment in a case brought by Asylex, stating that due to limitations on the ability to deport people, brought by the COVID-19 pandemic, “detention pending removal” was unlawful during this period. According to Asylex, it has pursued similar argumentation in more than 40 cases between March-June and as of 11 June, more than 30 people had been released. After two successful challenges against the Zurich Migration Office at the Federal Supreme Court in June, Asylex president, Lea Hungerbühler said: “The fact that the Federal Supreme Court has now ruled this way in the two precedent cases is a strong indication that the Zurich Migration Office must change its practice.”

Following the establishment of Switzerland’s new asylum system in March 2019, the Coalition of Independent Asylum Lawyers (Coalition des juristes indépendant-e-s pour le droit d’asile) released a critical assessment of the first year of operation of the new accelerated procedure. As part of the coalition, Asylex argued that the procedure is too quick and superficial, and that there have been numerous problems associated with quality of translations during asylum hearings, complaints of racism, and the placement of asylum seekers in isolation in federal asylum centres.

01 December 2020


Anafé Logo, (, Travail personnel, CC BY-SA 4.0,
Anafé Logo, (, Travail personnel, CC BY-SA 4.0,
In November, several organisations that are part of the Association Nationale d’Assistance aux Frontières pour les Étrangers (Anafé) petitioned the administrative courts of Nice and Marseille to rule on the right of access of associations to places of deprivation of liberty of the border police (‘Police Aux Frontières’ or ‘PAF’) at Menton pont Saint-Louis and of Montgenèvre. As of this writing, the cases were still pending but it is expected that the Nice administrative tribunal will pronounce itself first. The petition was filed after the groups were repeatedly denied access to these facilities.

Anafé has for many years denounced France's practice of detaining people at the Franco-Italian border. According to the group, dozens of people are locked in modular buildings adjacent to the PAF posts in Menton and Montgenèvre for several hours and sometimes, for the whole night, in poor material conditions. No blankets are provided to detainees; there is no possibility to lie down; there is little or no food or water; and the conditions are reportedly unhygienic and overcrowded.

In 2017, however, the Conseil d’Etat, which had been pressured to prohibit this practice, said that these detentions could be justified as long as the duration of deprivation of liberty did not exceed a so-called “reasonable” duration of less than four hours. Yet, Anafé has observed detention measures lasting more than four hours and in poor conditions. In addition, Anafé argues that given that this type of deprivation of liberty falls outside any legal framework, it escapes judicial control. Since the end of 2019, several elected officials have been refused access to these premises on the grounds that the premises are not actually for the deprivation of liberty but rather to shelter exiled people. In September and October 2020, representatives from Anafé and Doctors of the World traveled to the PAF premises in Menton and Montgenèvre in order to provide legal and medical assistance to people being “sheltered” there. However, access was denied by the administration. In consequence, legal actions have been presented requesting the courts to sanction these practices aimed at preventing organisations protecting the rights and health of exiled persons from providing them assistance during their detention at the PAF premises.

On 8 October 2020, an Ivorian national, said she had been deprived of liberty for more than 14 hours with her two children aged 3 and 5 at the PAF facility in Menton. She added that she had been held with 17 other people in a small space, without any respect of sanitary protection protocols, without receiving any food and that the condition of the centre’s sanitary facilities were deplorable.

In 2019, a Nigerian national of 17 years old, told Anafé that he had been held more than 10 hours, from 27 to 28 May 2019, at the PAF facilities in Menton. 10 adults were being held at the same time as him, in appalling conditions with unusable toilets. According to him, he stated that he was a minor and that he wanted to seek asylum in France, but the authorities did not take this into account.

30 November 2020


Magen David Adom Medical Workers at a Drive-Through Testing Site at the Entrance of an East Jerusalem neighbourhood on 2 April 2020, (Yonatan Sindel, Flash 90,
Magen David Adom Medical Workers at a Drive-Through Testing Site at the Entrance of an East Jerusalem neighbourhood on 2 April 2020, (Yonatan Sindel, Flash 90, "East Jerusalem Scrambles to Prevent COVID-19 Outbreak Before Ramadan," +972 Magazine, 22 April 2020,
The first case of COVID-19 was confirmed in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT) in early March 2020, after the discovery of seven cases in Bethlehem linked to a tourist group from Greece. In response, the Palestinian Authority declared a state of emergency, imposed a citywide lockdown, and enforced a curfew. Between March and June, there were only 665 registered cases of COVID-19 in the West Bank and Gaza, 180 cases among Palestinians in Jerusalem, and limited cases among Palestinians in Israel. However, the onset of a second wave from July resulted in rapid growth of the number of cases. By the end of November 2020, the territories, including east Jerusalem, had reported nearly 85,000 confirmed cases of COVID-19 and 714 deaths.

The United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) has put in measures to slow the spread of the virus, including giving medical consultations by phone, delivering humanitarian assistance to avoid overcrowding at distribution centres, and blending school with remote learning. However, these measures have been criticised for being insufficient to prevent the spread. On 10 November 2020, the spokesperson for UNRWA reported that the agency had run out of cash on hand to keep vital services going amid the COVID-19 pandemic.

Numerous concerns, meanwhile, have been raised regarding healthcare provision in the OPT, particularly in Gaza, where medical infrastructure is chronically under-resourced and has, in the past, faced militarised attacks--as well as the effects of years of suffocating blockades. In April, it was reported that between the three hospitals located in East Jerusalem, there are only 22 ventilators and 62 beds prepared for coronavirus patients. Moreover, attempts by Palestinians to mobilise community health initiatives have been met with crackdowns on the part of the Israeli police.

At the end of August 2020, 355 Palestinians--including two minors--continued to be held in administrative detention in Israel Prison Service (IPS) facilities, according to B’Tselem. Administrative detention is permitted under Article 285 of Military Order 1651, which is part of the military legislation applying in the West Bank; the Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law (Unlawful Combatants Law), which has been used against residents of the Gaza Strip since 2005; and the Emergency Powers (Detentions) Law, which applies to Israeli citizens. According to the Palestinian NGO Addameer, administrative detention is used almost exclusively to detain Palestinians from the occupied Palestinian territory (OPT), although Israeli citizens and foreign nationals can also be held as administrative detainees by Israel.

In November, the Palestinian Detainees Committee reported that the Israeli Prison Authority (IPA) had sealed all sections in Gilboa’ prison in central Israel and cancelled all visits from detainees’ families, after more than 80 detainees in the prison tested positive for coronavirus. Conditions within the prison have previously been criticised for being overcrowded and dirty. In March, the Israeli government released approximately 400 offenders from prisons throughout Israel for a 30-day house arrest, after which they were officially released from prison.

27 November 2020


Migrants at the Bosnian-Croatian Border in December 2019, (Manu Brabo, AP,
Migrants at the Bosnian-Croatian Border in December 2019, (Manu Brabo, AP, "Reports of Illegal Pushbacks by Migrants on the Austrian Border," Die Standard, 16 November 2020,
Der Standard reported that Austrian police were involved in several cases of pushbacks to Slovenia followed by chain pushbacks to Bosnia in September. According to freelance journalist Christof Mackinger, the Austrian authorities are said to have been involved in two instances of illegal pushbacks.

The first incident took place on 5 September and was documented by the NGO “No Name Kitchen.” Five people from Syria, Liberia, and Morocco were picked up by the police near the town of Laafeld, close to the Austrian-Slovenian border, taken to a police station, registered and then handed over to Slovenian officials, despite having stated that they wished to apply for asylum. They are said to have been deported from Slovenia via Croatia to Bosnia.

The second incident took place on 28 September, when seven Moroccan nationals were picked up by the Styrian police near the village of Halbenrain. They were registered and then also handed over to Slovenian officials. One of the migrants' lawyers filed a complaint against the police at the Styrian Regional Administrative Court as according to him, the migrant is said to have uttered the word “asylum” several times in English and in French. The migrant is now in Bosnia-Herzegovina after Slovenian police handed him over to the Croatian police, who, along with other migrants, dropped him off near the Bosnian border. They were then reportedly driven across the border by masked men. The Interior Ministry spokesperson denied the accusations.

26 November 2020


Dublin Live, “Coronavirus Ireland: Covid-19 Outbreak Fear at Dublin Prison as New Prisoner Struck with Virus,” 12 September 2020,
Dublin Live, “Coronavirus Ireland: Covid-19 Outbreak Fear at Dublin Prison as New Prisoner Struck with Virus,” 12 September 2020,
In late November, the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture released a report about its monitoring visit to Ireland in 2019. In the report, the committee reiterates its long-standing calls for Irish authorities to cease the use of prisons for immigration detention, noting that “a prison is by definition not a suitable place in which to detain someone who is neither suspected nor convicted of a criminal offence.” The committee reports that it met with several immigration detainees who had experienced bullying and abuse from other prisoners. It pointed, for example, to the case of a “middle-aged diminutive foreign national was placed in a cell with two young remand prisoners who allegedly attempted to rape him as well as physically aggressed and verbally intimidated him.”

In the GDP’s most recent country profile on Ireland, published in August 2019, we reported that a dedicated detention facility was slated to open at Dublin Airport in late 2019. The profile noted concerns that such a facility could lead to more detention in the country. Media reports indicate that as of August 2020, this facility had yet to open. The CPT, however, reports that by the time of its visit to Ireland in September-October 2019, a new Garda (Police) Station had opened at the airport (with four cells and two holding rooms), which could detain non-citizens for a maximum of 24 hours. Prisons, however, continue to detain immigration detainees for longer periods. As a result, the CPT reiterated its call, which it has been repeating since at least 2006, for authorities to establish a dedicated immigration detention facility. The CPT suggested the use of a disused unit at Cloverhill Prison (F Block) where detainees could be offered a more open regime, and greater access to the telephone and unscreened visits.

The latest CPT report on Ireland arrived at a time of increased concern about the spread of COVID-19 in prisons that are used to hold immigraiotn detainees. In Cloverhill Prison, three inmates are known to have contracted the virus, while five prisoners in Midlands Prison were reported to have tested positive as of 30 October. Both the Cloverhill and Midlands prisons are used to confine migrants and asylum seekers.

During the pandemic, the country’s Refugee Protection Programme--a scheme designed to relocate up to 2,900 refugees to the country via resettlement and community sponsorship between 2020 and 2023--was temporarily suspended due to travel restrictions. However, the suspension in Ireland appears to have been lifted, with several groups of refugees reported to have been flown to the country since the summer. Most recently on 19 November, 160 Syrians (including 90 children) were transported to Ireland on an IOM chartered flight.

(Ireland has not been alone in the suspension of its resettlement scheme: on 19 November, UNHCR warned that 2020 will be a record low for resettlement. According to the agency’s data, 15,425 persons were resettled worldwide between January and the end of October, compared to 50,086 during the same period in 2019.)

25 November 2020


R. Latiff, “In Malaysia’s Sabah, Pandemic Rages as Migrants Flee Testing,” Reuters, 23 November 2020,
R. Latiff, “In Malaysia’s Sabah, Pandemic Rages as Migrants Flee Testing,” Reuters, 23 November 2020,
In stark contrast to the increasing efforts by many countries around the world to decrease or end child immigration detention, Malaysia continues to detain large numbers of children, despite the dangers presented by the spread of COVID-19. While UNICEF has called on governments to immediately release children to protect them during the pandemic, Malaysia reported in October that it was holding hundreds of children in migration-related detention. According to information provided by the country’s Home Minister in response to questions from Parliament, 756 children were being held in migration detention as of 26 October 2020. Of these, 405 were unaccompanied--326 of whom were unaccompanied child refugees from Myanmar.

UNHCR, however, has been denied access to immigration detention centres since August 2019, and thus cannot clarify the refugee status of these children, or the procedures they have been granted access to. “Immigration authorities should stop playing games with people’s lives and immediately release all detained children and grant the UN refugee agency access to all detained refugees and asylum seekers,” said Human Rights Watch deputy Asia director, in a statement on 20 November.

Malaysian authorities have conducted numerous raids and immigration arrests since May 2020, placing all apprehended persons in already overcrowded detention facilities (for more on these raids, see our 3 May Malaysia update on this platform). During the summer, several detention facilities witnessed COVID-19 outbreaks, prompting the UN Special Rapporteur on the human rights of migrants to warn that raids and arrests of migrants were “undermining the effort to fight the pandemic in the country.” In particular, he noted that fear of arrest and detention may mean that “migrants might not come forward anymore for testing or access health services even when showing symptoms of the coronavirus.” Indeed, recent reports have highlighted that undocumented migrants, refugees, and stateless persons in Sabah Province have been evading Ministry of Health COVID-19 screening campaigns, out of fear that they will be detained and deported. Doctors in the state, which accounts for nearly half of all cases in the country, have also reported that non-nationals have delayed seeking treatment when they contract the virus, likely contributing to higher levels of infection--as well as higher death rates.

24 November 2020


C. Putz, “Zero to 15: Tajikistan Finally Confirms First Cases of COVID-19,” The Diplomat, 30 April 2020,
C. Putz, “Zero to 15: Tajikistan Finally Confirms First Cases of COVID-19,” The Diplomat, 30 April 2020,
Although Tajik authorities closed the country’s borders to travellers from more than 30 countries in early March, the government initially denied the existence of the virus--even allowing mass public events to be held. In April however, following the announcement that the WHO would send a team to investigate the country’s virus-free status, authorities confirmed the detection of 15 cases in the country. As of 24 November 2020, 11,932 confirmed cases and 86 deaths have been reported.

Like its Central Asian neighbours, Tajikistan has long witnessed significant flows of external labour migration, especially to Russia. (In August, undocumented Tajik migrants in Moscow were targeted in raids--see 19 November Russia Federation update on this platform.) Border closures and flight cancellations, however, have left thousands of Tajik migrant workers stranded outside of the country waiting for charter flights to repatriate them. Between April and October, Tajik officials report having returned 70,000 citizens via charter flights.

In 2020, Tajikistan established a new law allowing foreign nationals and stateless people irregularly residing in the country to regularise their stay by obtaining residence permits, as well as enabling them to apply for Tajik citizenship after three years. State authorities estimate the new law will benefit some 20,000 people, mostly former citizens of the Soviet Union, who came to Tajikistan before the end of 2016.

A signatory of the Refugee Convention, the country has adopted domestic legislation for the purposes of refugee protection under the 1994 Law on Refugees (which was revised in 2002 and 2014). As of August 2019, there were a total of 11,299 persons of concern in Tajikistan according to UNHCR, including 2,287 refugees (the vast majority of whom are from Afghanistan), 2,170 asylum seekers, and 6,842 stateless persons. Research conducted by UNHCR PDES has previously highlighted the severe restrictions imposed on refugees’ and asylum seekers’ freedom of movement, including laws preventing them from taking up residence in large urban areas as well as in border areas and imposing heavy criminal penalties for breaches of movement restrictions (including arrest, detention, fines, the withdrawal of refugee status, and deportation). It has also raised concern regarding provisions in national law that do not conform to the Refugee Convention, such as Resolution 323, which provides that a person who has transited through certain countries (e.g. Afghanistan, Uzbekistan) is considered as having found protection in those countries, which can subsequently constitute a basis for refusal of registration of applications for granting asylum.

Law No.590 under Article 5 of the revised 1994 Law on Refugees provides that the national security body of the Republic of Tajikistan shall detain asylum-seekers crossing the border into Tajikistan who do not have a permit to enter, but who have claimed asylum. In such cases, it must communicate information about this detention to the relevant internal affairs departments within 72 hours, while observing the principle of non-refoulement. Under Law No.919, a person who is forced to illegally cross the state border of the Republic of Tajikistan (e.g. as a result of being trafficked) and who claims asylum, shall be detained by units of border troops of the national security body but shall not be subject to sanctions for illegal entry or stay.

Little information appears to be available concerning the treatment of migrants or asylum seekers in immigration enforcement and detention procedures in Tajikistan--including during the pandemic. In its third periodic report on Tajikistan in June 2018, the UN Committee on Torture expressed concern regarding reports of torture in prisons and pre-trial detention, including deaths in custody, particularly of political dissidents. Having banned prison visits to inmates during the pandemic, on 16 November it was reported that families would be able to visit their detained relatives again.

23 November 2020


A Dinghy Carrying Refugees from Gambia and the Republic of the Congo Approaches Lesbos, Greece, February 2020, (Aris Messinis, AFP,
A Dinghy Carrying Refugees from Gambia and the Republic of the Congo Approaches Lesbos, Greece, February 2020, (Aris Messinis, AFP, "Greece Has a Deadly New Migration Policy - and All of Europe is to Blame," The Guardian, 27 August 2020,
On 19 November 2020, the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture (CPT) published a report on its visit to Greece on 13-17 March 2020. The delegation visited several police and border guard establishments in the Evros and Samos regions as well as three immigration detention facilities: Filakio Reception and Identification Centre, Filakio Pre-removal centre in the Evros region, and Malakasa detention camp in Attica.

In its report, the CPT stated that while it acknowledges the difficult context and significant on-going challenges faced by Greek authorities in dealing with the high number of non-citizens arriving in the country, “systematic detention cannot be the immediate response to this challenge.” The CPT said that the influx of migrants is not new and yet each time numbers surge, improvised places are used to detain them. In consequence, the CPT said, “the time is ripe for Greece to reconsider the approach taken towards the detention of migrants and it would appreciate receiving the comments of the Greek Government on this matter.”

Moreover, the CPT found that detention conditions for migrants in the Evros region and on the island of Samos could amount to inhuman and degrading treatment. For instance, a visit of two cells at the Port of Samos revealed that 93 migrants (58 men, 15 women - three of whom were pregnant - and 20 children, 10 of whom were under five year old) were crammed into the two cells. One of the cells measured 42 square metres and held 43 people (affording each one less than 1 square meter of living space per person). In addition, there was no artificial lighting, no heating, no beds, and no mattresses. The migrants met by the delegation had not had access to a shower for more than two weeks and no soap was given to them to wash their hands.

The CPT also found that appropriate health care—essential during the pandemic—is not available in all facilities in which migrants are detained. Further, the committee noted that families with children and unaccompanied or separated children were being held in inappropriate conditions and reiterated its recommendation that the “Greek authorities fundamentally revise their policy regarding the detention of unaccompanied children both for reception and identification purposes and under ‘protective custody’ in places of deprivation of liberty. … Instead, they should be transferred without delay to a (semi-) open establishment specialised for juveniles”.

In its concluding remarks, the CPT observed other deficiencies in most places of detention such as a general “lack of maintenance of the building (especially the sanitary facilities), poor lighting and ventilation, insufficient personal hygiene products and cleaning materials, inability to obtain a change of clothes, lack of information provided to detained persons, no access to daily outdoor exercise, inadequate food.”

21 November 2020

United States

Children Walking in a line at a Tent Encampment in Tornillo, Texas, on 19 June 2018, (Mike Blake, Reuters,
Children Walking in a line at a Tent Encampment in Tornillo, Texas, on 19 June 2018, (Mike Blake, Reuters, "Judge Orders Trump Administration to Stop Expelling Children who Cross Border Alone," NBC News, 18 November 2020,
On 18 November 2020, a federal judge ordered the Trump administration to cease the expulsion of unaccompanied migrant children during the pandemic, halting a policy that has resulted in thousands of rapid deportations of minors. The government has expelled at least 8,800 unaccompanied children seeking protection since March on the basis of a health order issued by the Centres for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), despite citing the coronavirus as grounds for refusing entry to the United States. The District Judge issued a preliminary injunction barring the government from expelling unaccompanied minors and it is not yet known whether the Justice Department would appeal the decision. It has nonetheless appealed another federal judge’s order barring the use of hotels to detain children (for more on the hotels, see 17 August United States update on this platform).

The deportation policy has been justified on the basis of a rarely used public health law dating back to 1944 (for more information, see 10 November United States update on this platform). The judge held that the legislation enables the government to prohibit the entrance of non-citizens carrying diseases, but on the other hand, it does not allow expulsions: “Expelling persons, as a matter of ordinary language, is entirely different from interrupting, intercepting or halting the process of introduction,” the judge wrote.

In September, a U.S. magistrate judge stated that the government had misinterpreted the legislation and assumed broad powers. Border patrol agents have reportedly used the CDC order to send back more than 200,000 people crossing the northern and southern borders since the start of the pandemic. On 3 October, Associated Press reported that Vice President Pence, pressured the CDC to employ emergency powers to shut the border in March.

20 November 2020


UNHCR, “Aid Urgently Needed for Ethiopians Streaming Into Sudan,” 17 November 2020,
UNHCR, “Aid Urgently Needed for Ethiopians Streaming Into Sudan,” 17 November 2020,
Since early November, more than 27,000 Ethiopian refugees have fled the Tigray region and crossed into Sudan. According to UNHCR, on just one day--15 November--some 5,000 refugees arrived in Sudan’s border provinces of Kassala and al-Qadarif. Information campaigns are reported to have been initiated to ensure that refugees crossing into Sudan understand how to avoid the spread of COVID-19, and hand soap and 50,000 face masks have been sent to the border areas from Khartoum.

With growing numbers of arrivals--and predictions by international observers that thousands more refugees will seek refuge in Sudan--available shelter is under increasing pressure, and authorities face a rush to identify and provide more sites. A transit centre in Hamdayet, which has capacity for 300 people, is reported to be hosting 12,000. Several thousand have been placed in the Um Rakouba (or Um Raquba) refugee camp, but authorities are struggling to provide sufficient services, including food distribution.

As of the end of 2019, Sudan was reported to be hosting 1,055,489 refugees--the majority of whom are from South Sudan. The government has maintained a reservation on Article 26 of the UN Refugee Convention (Article 26 provides for refugees’ freedom of movement and the ability to choose place of residence) and requires refugees to stay in designated camps. However, more than 75 percent of South Sudanese refugees are believed to be living within the host community. Persons found exiting camps are subject to fines and return to the camp, while those apprehended in urban areas face arrest and detention if they lack valid identification cards. According to the U.S. State Department, on average between 150 and 200 refugees and asylum seekers are detained in Khartoum each month.

Reports in the past have indicated that the country uses prisons for the detention of non-nationals for migration-related reasons, as well as ad hoc immigration detention facilities. The U.S. State Department, UNHCR, and media outlets have also referred to various immigration detention facilities, including an “Aliens Detention Centre” in Khartoum, although the GDP has not identified their exact locations or been able to verify if any remain in use. Prison conditions, meanwhile, remain deeply concerning. The U.S. State Department describes them as “harsh and life threatening, overcrowding was a major problem.” The UN has reportedly provided some supplies to several prisons during the pandemic, as well as awareness campaigns on preventive measures.

Since the launch of the Khartoum Process in late 2014, the EU has focused on curbing northward migration from Sudan--via both migration control efforts, and schemes to “address the root causes of displacement.” Through the EU Emergency Trust Fund for Africa, the country--which until 2019 was under the leadership of a President facing an International Criminal Court warrant for crimes against humanity, genocide, and war crimes--has received hundreds of thousands to achieve these goals. In 2016, German media obtained documents that showed that EU efforts to curb migration focussed on border protection, and that plans were in place to establish two camps with detention rooms. Although the German Ministry of Economic Cooperation and Development reported that these plans were binding, the SOAS Centre for Human Rights Law later reported that the plans had been dropped.

Concerns that EU funds were being channeled into a country with little respect for human rights have grown since the launch of the Emergency Trust Fund for Africa. In 2016, these concerns became acute in the wake of reports that the RSF (Rapid Support Force, formerly the notorious Janjaweed), which had been hired to curb migration using EU funds, had been involved in the arrest and deportation of hundreds of Eritrean refugees and asylum seekers. Later, in March 2019, funding for the EU’s “Better Migration Management” project in Sudan--which supported the training of border control forces and policies--was suspended amid fears that the funds were being used to strengthen security forces (including the RSF) responsible for violently suppressing peaceful protests. As of July 2020 however, the programme appeared to have resumed.

20 November 2020


The Camp Installed in Barranco Seco, in Las Palmas de Gran Canaria, Where Part of the Migrants from the Arguineguin Port Are Expected, (Angel Medina, EFE,
The Camp Installed in Barranco Seco, in Las Palmas de Gran Canaria, Where Part of the Migrants from the Arguineguin Port Are Expected, (Angel Medina, EFE, "El Gobierno Trasladara Esta Tarde a 200 Migrantes desde Arguineguin a las Nuevas Instalaciones Cedidas por Defensa," El Pais, 18 November 2020,
There have been a number of judicial decisions in Spain in recent weeks that could have crucial impacts on how migrants and asylum seekers are treated, in particular with respect to Covid-related border controls. In one case from November, Spain’s Constitutional Court found that a provision in the country’s controversial Citizen Security Law allowing push backs of migrants who try to climb fences into the Spanish enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla is constitutional. There remain exceptions to these push backs: cases involving minors and other vulnerable groups such as the elderly or pregnant women. According to El País, the finding will not result in changes to legislation, but it clarifies that the government can carry out these procedures, which have long been condemned by observers as violating fundamental rights. In Spain, the Citizen Security Law has been referred to as the “gag law” (“Ley mordaza”) due to its effect on the right to protest. The statute has long been contested and has gone through several modifications, a constitutional challenge regarding certain provisions, and political opposition members have vowed to repeal the legislation if the parliamentary majority changes after the next general election.

Also in November, the Spanish Supreme Court (Tribunal Supremo) recognised the right of asylum seekers to request their transfer to Spain through Spanish embassies, in order to formalise a request for international protection. Although this right was already included in the 2009 Asylum Law, access to the asylum procedure has until now been largely blocked through this channel. The provision in the Asylum Law, Article 38, enables ambassadors to “promote the transfer” of asylum seekers to Spain in order for them to formalise their asylum application. (El Diario, On 18 November 2020)

The Supreme Court ruling involves the case of a Kurdish-Iraqi family that arrived in Greece in 2016, fleeing conflict and war, where they applied for asylum and received no response. A year later, they requested a transfer to Spain in the context of the European relocation program, but only the mother’s and daughter's requests were accepted. The father had to remain in Greece and subsequently applied for asylum, through the Spanish embassy in Greece, but did not receive a response. The group Stop Mare Nostrum filed a petition before the National Court, which then ruled in favour of the family in March 2019. Yet, the state appealed to the Spanish Supreme Court in order to preclude the father from being transferred to Spain, alleging the impossibility of applying certain provisions from the Asylum Law as these did not have a regulatory framework. The Supreme Court held that the lack of a regulation did not prevent the application of the content of the provision to international protection applications.

According to Stop Mare Nostrum, of their 38 registered transfer petitions in the Spanish consulates in Athens and Tanger, Spanish authorities have “failed to respond to all.” The group argues that the government’s refusal to allow for the possibility of these types of asylum requests stands in direct contradiction to the government’s arguments for allowing forced push backs from Ceuta and Melilla (in the separate case cited above). In that push backs case, Spain pointed to the existing legal avenues to enter its territory and mentioned Article 38 of the Asylum Law, the same provision they sought to block for the Kurdish-Iraqi family in Greece as well as others.

In October, the court in the Castilla-La Mancha region asked the CJEU whether authorities could rely on provisions in the EU Return Directive to effect a removal in lieu of the more stringent requirements provided in Spanish law, which requires the existence of aggravating circumstances, in addition to irregular status, to justify the procedure (see 16 November Spain update on this platform). The Court held that the national authority could not rely on a “deportation order” to expel a migrant in an irregular situation if national law imposes a fine or only provides for return when there are serious violations. In effect, the ruling means that Spain must apply its national immigration law, imposing a fine in cases of irregular stay and only contemplating the expulsion of non-citizens in an irregular situation when there are aggravating circumstances.

Separately, in late November, as the numbers of migrants and asylum seekers arriving on the Canary Islands has been growing, police improperly evicted hundreds of migrants from the port of Arguineguin (Gran Canaria) even though they had not yet been provided with reception places elsewhere. The Interior Ministry opened an investigation to determine how this happened and accelerated the opening of the Temporary Centre for Foreigners in the military installations of Barranco Seco, and relocated two hundred migrants there. The Defense Ministry has provided materials to house another 200 people. According to police authorities, the decision to evict the migrants came after having unsuccessfully tried to contact the Spanish immigration authority (Secretaria de Estado de Migraciones). As the police received no response, they moved forward with their operation. However, sources from the Spanish immigration authority told El País that they had not received a call and that if they had, the usual protocol would have been followed.

According to data from the Interior Ministry, the Canary Islands has become, in 2020, the main entry point for irregular migration in Spain. The number of people who have arrived by sea throughout the country has risen to 32,427 people, 45.5 percent more compared to the same period in 2019. Of this figure, 51.7 percent, or 16,760 migrants, entered Spain through the Canary Islands.

19 November 2020

Russian Federation

Tass News, “Рынок
Tass News, “Рынок "Теплый стан" закрыт в Москве из-за спецоперации по борьбе с нелегальными мигрантами,” 11 August 2020,
Foreign migrant workers have been disproportionately affected by the pandemic in Russia, with large numbers losing employment amidst the economic downturn. In a survey conducted by the Russian Presidential Academy of National Economy and Public Administration in April-May 2020, 75 percent of surveyed migrants reported having lost their jobs or being forced into unpaid leave, while 50 percent reported that they had lost all sources of income.

Citing these statistics at a meeting in August, the Deputy Head of the Security Council Dmitry Medvedev stated that high unemployment rates amongst migrant workers “creates a very fertile environment for the growth of crime potentially in this area.” Medvedev suggested that Russia implement changes to its immigration system that would make it harder for migrants to gain work permits. In particular, he proposed imitating the Kafala system (a visa-sponsorship system), which is widely used across the Gulf. “In the Arab world, there are appropriate solutions where the employer is fully responsible for the actions of a foreign citizen whom he hired to work,” he said. “This is a tough measure, but nevertheless it should probably be discussed.” Many UN experts and independent observers, however, have heavily criticized the Kafala system for leading to widespread rights abuses because it leaves migrant workers vulnerable to abuse by employers as well as to arrest, detention, and deportation.

For some Russian officials, however, Covid-related declines in the number of migrant workers (due in part to people returning to their home countries) are creating growing concerns about labour shortages. Moscow Mayor Sergei Sobyanin, for example, has warned that the city’s labour market would inevitably be affected. Noting that as of October 2020 the number of foreign migrants in the city had dropped by 40 percent this year, he said, “This affects the labor market, especially those positions that are temporarily occupied, such as snow removal. This is manual labor: shovel, broom, scrap. Not all Muscovites are ready to work in such jobs.” According to Sobyanin, these jobs will be filled by residents of other Russian regions.

Despite issuing a moratorium on new detention orders in April (see 18 April update on this platform), media reports indicate that authorities have continued to raid areas where migrant workers are known to congregate. According to Human Rights Watch (HRW), in the first two weeks of August authorities initiated a series of raids, round-ups, and detentions of migrant workers near the Tyoply Stan market in Moscow. Reportedly, the raids largely targeted Tajik migrant workers, in retaliation for a 1 August incident in which Tajik workers dragged a Tajik migrant from a police car following his arrest. According to HRW’s sources, “hundreds” were detained during these raids. Raids were also conducted in Saint Petersburg in October, with officers conducting house searches in districts including Kirovsky and Krasnogvardeisky.

18 November 2020


B. Pannier, “Uzbekistan’s Coronavirus ‘Success Story’ Rapidly Falls Apart,” RFERL, 30 July 2020,
B. Pannier, “Uzbekistan’s Coronavirus ‘Success Story’ Rapidly Falls Apart,” RFERL, 30 July 2020,
Prior to the pandemic, between two and three million Uzbek nationals worked overseas--primarily in Russia, as well as in countries such as Kazakhstan, Turkey, South Korea, and the United Arab Emirates. Hard-hit by the repercussions of the pandemic and with many losing their sources of employment, significant numbers of Uzbek migrant workers have sought to return home.

While former Uzbek president Karimov was notoriously disdainful towards Uzbek labour migrants--“Those people who go to Moscow to clean the streets are just lazybones” he stated in June 2013--current president Mirziyoyev has adopted a more favourable stance, appreciating labor migrants’ importance to the Uzbek economy. His government won praise from some for its work assisting stranded migrants to return home during the pandemic (arranging several repatriation flights, trains, and buses). According to Uzbekistan’s Deputy Labour Minister, at least 500,000 had returned as of 29 May, with more returning since. On 21 September, the country’s Ministry of Transport reported that it had arranged for a further 1,800 migrant workers to be returned by train from Samara and Novosibirsk.

On the other hand, Human Rights Watch (HRW) has said that the government’s efforts to repatriate migrant workers have been, at best, erratic, with many thousands remaining trapped outside the country’s borders. Many have been forced to camp out at airports in Russia (see our 24 July Russia update on this platform). Others have attempted to return by bus or car through Russia, often having to spend time in makeshift camps at the Russia-Kazakhstan border as they await transport and permission to cross.

One such camp, near the Kinel train station in Samara Oblast, is designed for 900 people. However, according to HRW, in September some 4,000 migrants, including at least 43 children, were stuck there. No medical care is reported to be available in the camp, and persons are not tested for COVID-19. Journalists from Novaya Gazeta, who visited the camp in September, allege that the camp management has sought to prevent camp residents from speaking to the media about the conditions they face. An additional camp has also been established in Kamensk-Shakhtinsky (Rostov Oblast), from where occasional trains leave for Uzbekistan.

With Covid infection rates significantly higher in labour migration destinations such as Russia than in Uzbekistan, persons who have managed to return have faced quarantine in hastily-erected state run facilities--some of which are no more than cargo containers placed together in rows. In the largest reported site--the “Urtasary” facility in the Tashkent region--3,467 containers were placed together, each containing four beds. In July, the facility was the site of protests, as returnees demanded their release from the carceral-style facility. According to the Uzbek Forum for Human Rights, some had been held for more than 30 days without any explanation, far exceeding the recommended 14-day quarantine period. In a video shared by Ozodlik (RFE/RL’s Uzbek service), detainees penned into the camp by iron fencing can be seen calling for their release. Allegations of police brutality also surfaced, and one returnee is reported to have committed suicide following his placement in the facility. The Uzbek Forum for Human Rights has confirmed to the GDP, however, that the Urtasary facility is now closed. Returning migrants are instead instructed to quarantine in their own homes.

16 November 2020


A Migrant Standing Outside the Aluche CIE, (Claudio Alvarez,
A Migrant Standing Outside the Aluche CIE, (Claudio Alvarez, "Una Sentencia Europea Impide a Espana Expulsar Inmigrantes Solo por Estar en Situacion Irregular," El Pais, 12 November 2020,
In October, the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) issued a ruling on a deportation case in Spain that would limit the country’s ability to enforce removal decisions in certain cases based on provisions of the EU Return Directive. The court in Spain’s Castilla-La Mancha region had asked the CJEU whether authorities could rely on provisions in the Directive to effect a removal in lieu of the more stringent requirements provided in Spanish law, which requires the existence of aggravating circumstances--in addition to irregular status-- to justify the procedure. The CJEU found that the court had to rely on the provisions of the national law in the particular case and not the Directive.

According to the CJEU, the national authority cannot rely on a “deportation order” to expel a migrant in an irregular situation if national law imposes a fine or only provides for return when there are serious violations. In consequence, the ruling obliges the government to apply the Spanish Immigration Law, which imposes a fine in cases of irregular stay and only contemplates the expulsion of foreigners in an irregular situation when there are aggravating circumstances.

In 2019, the Spanish Ministry of the Interior expelled 4,677 people from the country and returned a further 6,476 to their countries of origin. According to Eurostat, those figures correspond to around 30% of the 37,890 orders that were issued against non-citizens to leave the Spanish territory. Despite the fact that the percentage of expulsions and returns in 2019 is below the European average (36%), it nonetheless represents an increase compared to 2018.

On 23 September, the National Police (Policia Nacional) ordered the re-opening of immigration detention centres (Centros de Internamiento de Extranjeros or CIEs) closed due to the COVID-19 pandemic (see 2 July, 26 May and 15 May Spain updates on this platform). The Police also ordered that the Central Repatriation Unit carry out “appropriate steps with the consulates of the countries of origin, to be able to effectuate the expulsions”.